How Warlords and Washington Lobbyists Undermine Stability in Eastern Congo
Posted by Aaron Hall on Aug 22, 2011

This post originally appeared on Global Post:
What do corrupted Congolese warlords and Washington lobbyists have in
common? They’ve joined forces to become the biggest obstacle to
development and stability in eastern Congo.
The Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) is finalizing regulations
on the conflict minerals provision in the Dodd-Frank Act. These
regulations will either impose accountability on industries sourcing
conflict minerals from Congo, or will delay the implementation of the
law for up to three years, stalling progress toward creating corporate
social responsibility or mitigating mass atrocities in Congo.
Corporate interests, including the U.S. Chamber of Commerce and the
National Association of Manufacturers (NAM), as well as regional
actors who profit from the illicit trade in minerals, have increased
their jabs at human rights groups who support the conflict minerals
provision of Dodd-Frank and who are pressing the SEC to adopt strong
rules to implement the legislation and create a clean, transparent
supply chain.
In one corner stands a coalition of Congolese civil society groups,
including faith groups and women’s organizations, pleading for peace,
stability and opportunity through a legitimate mining sector;
international human rights groups pushing western governments and
industry to be accountable for their impact; and a growing
constituency of concerned students, religious groups, and consumers in
the U.S., Europe, and Asia who do not want their electronics or
automobiles to fuel war and rape in developing nations. The resources
at their disposal are their minds, voices, and creativity in drawing
attention to a situation that has contributed to the deaths of over
5.5 million people in the last 15 years and which senior U.S.
officials call “one of the greatest moral issues of our time.”
In the other corner stand vested interests: corrupt Congolese and
Rwandan government officials who profit from the instability and
violence associated with the minerals trade; local and international
mining companies and mineral industry groups who have preyed on the
region for decades, able to benefit from the lawlessness and exploited
labor — including child labor — that allows them to source, sell, and
process cheaper materials than those produced in other parts of the
world; Congolese and Rwandan national army officials as well as
roughly 22 various rebel groups who all collaborate to control mines
and exploit local communities; and electronics, automotive, and
manufacturing groups represented by the Chamber and NAM, who decry the
expectation that publicly traded companies account for where they
source their materials.
Tellingly, many of the consumer electronics companies who have borne
the brunt of activist campaigning on conflict minerals have also
demonstrated that it is possible for businesses to behave responsibly.
Companies such as Hewlett-Packard supported the legislation, and
companies such as AMD, Apple, HP, IBM, Intel, and Motorola Mobility
have taken steps to map their supply chains, garner industry resources
to audit processing facilities, and pave the way for legitimate
sourcing of minerals within Congo and the region. Their leadership
provides a clear indicator that industry has no intention of
abandoning the Congo.
But even as companies are showing that this is “doable,” lobbyists are
misrepresenting the situation on the ground. They misplace blame for
Congolese suffering on the initiatives of Congress, backed by human
rights advocates. Centuries of slavery, exploitation, corruption, and
the mafia-like DRC government are actually to blame.
The lobbyists’ goal is to convince the SEC to stall, water down, and
deregulate the law aimed at providing accountability for companies who
source from the region and have been funding one of the worst
conflicts of our generation.
Have miners been affected by the decrease of buyers in region? Yes. In
an environment where mining is one of only a few sources of income,
when mining output decreases, miners work less and therefore make less
money. Those who depend on an economy around the mines, such as women
selling food to miners, are also affected.
Have miners lost jobs? That depends on how one defines “job.” If the
definition is risking one’s life in a crowded and shoddy mine shaft
collecting ore, then walking for two days through the jungle with a
110-pound sack on one’s back for $3, being taxed by multiple armed
groups along the way, not having enough money left to buy food,
shelter, education or healthcare for one’s family, then yes, miners
are losing jobs. But wage slavery is not a livelihood.
Some miners affected by the decrease in production have begun turning
to agriculture, a livelihood that supported the region prior to the
minerals boom. Some migrant miners have begun to move south to Katanga
Province, where legitimate extraction is taking place. And as reforms
towards legitimacy and accountability continue to take hold in the
Kivus, both migrant miners and mining communities will benefit from
less armed interference, forced labor, and illegal taxation. At the
height of the conflict minerals trade, the booming “economy” mostly
benefited local politicians, armed actors, and external exploiters,
who used the cover of the plight of artisanal miners to protect their
own interests. The provincial governments and warlords reaped tens of
millions of dollars per month, not including illegal taxation. Yet
they provided no roads, schools or health care, and almost no
electricity or running water.
For the SEC or members of Congress to kowtow to the threats of the
lobbyists and the Chamber of Commerce and take no action is cowardly
at best and a colossal waste of taxpayer dollars, private sector
capital and human lives at worst.
Photo: Gold mine in South Kivu, Congo (Sasha Lezhnev / Enough Project)
Conflict Minerals Eastern Congo Peace

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