Civil Society and the Uphill Task of Building the Republic of South Sudan

BY: John Moi Venus, JUBA, RSS

SEPT. 26/2011, SSN; Experiences have shown humanity that the
beginnings of most political parties, including their manifestos are
humane and noble with a great sense of purpose, until its individuals,
whose egos are inflated by the surrounding sycophants, succumb to
worldly lure of power and honor; hence, theretofore springs a
glorified dictator and tyrant rooted in the inconsistencies of the
past opposed regimes.

Now that Khartoum’s tyrannical political establishments have been
relegated to the edges of history, any extant party with/without claim
to upholding democratic principles and spearheading true democratic
reforms should be progressively scrutinized with the eyes of the
African Fish Eagle from which we draw our strength, resilience and
vision.

Indeed the real task of the civil society has to begin in South Sudan.

South Sudan, in all actuality and purpose has become part of today’s
Africa, a continent pressured with ubiquitous calls for democratic
reforms. Routine discussions the world over are being advanced about
the importance of civil society as a prime wheel for democratic
reforms.

A majority of people seem to agree to the effect that a strong civil
society is crucial for instituting a sound democracy in which good
governance and transparency are the guiding principles. This should be
a noble calling for South Sudan, truly: a nascent nation-state that
has been weighed down by very poor human right records compounded by
continuous cases of child abductions, very early child marriages, and
violent ethnic conflicts.

This yearning for a vibrant, and self-transcending civil society
should in fact be a matter of an honest quest for moral aptitude in a
race against unjust social structures as the current political
dispensation continues to take roots, a necessity that must take
course irrespective of our ethnic background and political
orientations.

Frustratingly so, the strings of ethnic conflict, child abduction
practices, including the business of marrying off the girl-child at
their teens continue to reflect poorly on the credibility of this
nascent country.

Caught up in this hopeless situation, surely the rural populations
living at the fringes of society under the fear of erratic violence
and losing innocent children to unknown marauding personalities should
be wondering whether the new state is really a state in Max Weber’s
sense of the word with central authority firmly in control of events.

These precarious events are holding the hopes and aspirations of the
citizen of South Sudan as captives.

When will the citizen of this new humble beginning rise up to the
occasion and demonstrate the power of having a common purpose and
destiny.

A truly unified civil society in fact could be a force to reckon with
in rowing citizens towards social reforms and government
accountability.

In South Africa, no single lane of history could be travelled without
acknowledging the daring effort of students, and the ordinary citizens
in humbling and bringing the perpetrators of the apartheid regime to
their knees, a deserved effort that occasion the release of the
magnanimous leader Nelson Mandela and steering him all the way to the
leadership position between 1994 and 1999 - a clear triumph of good
over evil.

History is replete with such success stories in other African
countries enough to corroborate how civil society activities could
pose as very powerful watchtowers of reform and accountability.

It is widely acknowledged that the concept of civil society does not
enjoy conceptual precision. This is because, according to one Bob
Edwards and some scholars, the concept is polemical or context
specific.

In various places of the world, it came to acquire the sense of ‘a
sphere of social autonomy and democratization from below’, or ‘society
against the state.’

In far flung places like Latin America, the conceptualization
reflected both the struggle against the military dictatorship of the
era and a widespread conviction that the conventional party politics
had failed people. Activists and thinkers thus framed the concept not
only as “society against a repressive state” but also as society in
place of parties.

In Africa, when the continent was overwhelmed by military regimes, a
Nigerian called Matthew Hassan Kukah, observed that the notion came to
be understood as a domain of society that was outside the realm of
military uniforms.

It comprised individuals who belong to churches, students, human right
activists, or trade unions that stood to stage popular demonstrations
and protest against the forces of oppression and repression, including
expressing downright discomfort towards regimes or policies perceived
to be detrimental to the common good and that seemed to infringe on
the rights of citizens.

Given the contextual/normatic dimension, it is therefore true to say
that, at the analytical level, there is no formal conceptual agreement
about ‘who and what’ to include under umbrella of civil society. In
some societies, business groups and professionals who are perceived to
influence the state to achieve their particular interests over against
the collective interest of citizens are excluded and in other context
these selfsame groups are included.

That is to say, the real purchase of the notion of civil society
largely remained polemically tied to the circumstances in which each
version originated and could not therefore account for any
comprehensive theory of a state-society relation.

That said, the concept of civil society is a good heuristic model with
far-reaching practical showdown implications against the forces of
oppression and poor leadership. The concept served, as Bob Edwards
believes, to juxtapose a sphere of voluntary, purposive association
and opposition to the forces of chaos, or oppression by governments.

Competing concepts of civil society do invariably bear an undaunted
mark of struggle against injustices by a state towards the governed;
it is a crystallization of projects of social autonomy over and
against the repressive forces in any given time and place, a desire
for justice and democratic space in which people create space to enjoy
equal rights as individuals and as a group.

It high time, the citizens of this humble nation-state contemplated
the establishment of civil society’s central bureaus in the various
states within the country as a matter of necessity to serve in
networking and mobilization of the citizens for the common course of
democracy, if this new country must avoid any rapid recourse to being
what citizens now commonly refer to as “a government of self-service.”

This could also be an opportunity for building an all-inclusive team
to familiarize the citizens about our common destiny and educate
individuals and groups on the alternative ways of addressing social
issues without recourse to violence.

With the international community watching, there is a reasonable
milieu in which a concerted effort could sprout a sound democratic
start-up in ways that could prevent people from falling preys to
sectarian, religious or ethnic divisions that have bedeviled this
region for so long.

This is a tough venture, to begin with. Kukah observes so that a
dangerous and tougher task for civil society begins when a new system
or regime is ushered in.

The new political dispensation in South Sudan, brought about by
collective effort and desire to see the reign of justice, equality and
dignity as reflected in our coat of arms, should serve as an exemplar
of a determination for a result and true reform.

The mundane self-defeating recoil of incompetence to: “where were you
when we fought the war” must truly be treated with contempt.

Martin Luther Junior was quoted as saying ‘the battle cry for
democracy and justice should be: free at last, thank God! We are free
at last! Till then, we should never rest.’ The reigning political
force of the moment must truly begin to show some sense of purpose and
direction.

We now hear of the 13 most corrupt South Sudan Government officials,
but first Mr. President Sir, Where are we on the Dura saga?

John Moi Venus, South Sudan Citizen in Juba

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