Crimes against Humanity in Abyei: Why I resigned from the Sudanese Government
“Injustice anywhere is a threat to justice everywhere” Dr. Martin Luther King
Paper Prepared by:
Luka Biong Deng
Executive Director of Kush Inc..
Visiting Fellow at Institute of Development Studies (IDS), University
of Sussex, UK
Former National Minister of Cabinet Affairs of the Sudan
For:
WE HAVE A DREAM
Global Summit Against Discrimination and Prosecution
United Nations, New York City, USA
September 21-22, 2011
1. Introduction:
I am extremely happy to have such opportunity to share with you why I
resigned from Bashir’s Government in Khartoum and to share with you as
well my thoughts about the future of Sudan after the secession of
South Sudan. I would like to start with a well known statement by the
founding leader of the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement (SPLM) that
“The National Islamic Front is too deformed to be reformed”. This
phrase captures very well the status of affairs today in Sudan as the
ruling National Islamic Front currently known as National Congress
Party (NCP) under the leadership of President Bashir has deformed
Sudan even worse than before the signing of the Comprehensive Peace
Agreement (CPA) in 2005. The consistent pattern of crimes against
humanity and war crimes committed by NCP and its leadership in Darfur,
Abyei, Southern Kordofan, Blue Nile and against the entire people of
Sudan clearly shows that NCP is becoming a liability not only to the
people of Sudan but indeed a real threat to regional and global
Security.
Given the fact that I participated in the negotiations of the CPA,
constitutional making process in the Sudan, continuous engagement
between the parties in the implementation of CPA, continuous
negotiations for the post-secession arrangements and arbitration
process for the delineation of Abyei Area as well as participating in
the government of Southern Sudan and national government, I will be
able to share with you with confidence the unfinished business of the
CPA with the hope of providing options and insight for engagement in
Sudan and South Sudan to become viable with good relations.
I am currently the Executive Director of Kush, Inc. Kush is a
not-for-profit organization designed to promote peace, stability and
economic development in Africa with an emphasis on South Sudan and
Abyei Area and building good relations along the North-South border.
After serving in government for six years, I decided to serve the
people of South Sudan and Abyei area outside the government and I feel
very fortunate to be part of the not-for-profit sector and to share
with you our dream of building a peaceful, viable and democratic new
state of South Sudan not only in its efforts towards realizing the
aspirations of its people but also in forging good relations with its
twin country the Sudan.
Prior to my resignation from Bashir’s Government, I was convinced
beyond any doubt that CPA has provided a golden opportunity to
transform Sudan including NCP and its leadership and to build Sudan on
new basis. I committed myself to the full implementation of peace and
to promote good relations between the North and South. In some cases I
even used to appreciate the political courage of the leadership of the
National Congress Party in accepting the path of peace instead of war
as people of Sudan have suffered a great deal during the prolonged
conflict.
During the visit of President Bashir to Juba where he reaffirmed his
commitment to the timely conduct of the referendum for the people of
South Sudan and that he will not only respect the choice of the people
but he will be the first to recognize the new state of South Sudan.
Such commitment was received with great relief by the people of South
Sudan and the international community at large and renewed hope for
building good relations and trust between the North and South. It
provides as well an opportunity for Sudan to forge new relations with
international community on pending issues of debt relief, sanctions
and normalization of diplomatic relations. In some incidents I
described President Bashir as man of peace and President Salva even
describing him as “Peace Hero” in his statement on the day of the
announcement of results of referendum in Juba in February 2011. All
these hopes were dashed by the invasion of Abyei area and the current
war waged against the people of Southern Kordofan. These recent
incidents clearly revealed to the world the true colour of President
Bashir and his party, the National Congress Party. In fact Dr. John
Garang was right when he described that National Islamic Front (NIF)
is too deformed to be reformed.
For the purposes of my presentation, I would like first to provide you
with a brief account of how the CPA provided not only a basis for
achieving sustaining peace but also a framework for transforming Sudan
for better. Then I will narrate the reasons for my resignation from
the government of Sudan. Then I will discuss the unfinished business
of CP, particularly the issues of peace and stability along the
North-South border. I will map the political landscape in the North
after the secession of South Sudan and the new opportunities for
engagement in the North. I will also briefly discuss the challenges of
building new state in South Sudan and how a viable South Sudan could
help in addressing the challenges of peace in the border areas. I will
conclude with key policy options of engagement in building peace and
stability in the Sudan and South Sudan.
2. CPA: A Framework for Transformation of Sudan
Although I will not attempt to inconvenience you with the full
historical account of the genesis of the root causes of the Sudan
recurrent conflict and civil wars, it is important to highlight that
the marginalization of rural Sudan is central to understanding the
conflict in Sudan. People of Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile joined
the struggle in the South after they became convinced the elites in
Khartoum were less concerned about their welfare and the people of
Darfur later took up arms after they discovered that they have been
cheated, exploited and marginalized under the slogan of political
Islam. Besides the marginalization of rural Sudan, the elites in the
centre consistently used ethnicity and religion to suppress the rural
Sudan and to dominate power in the centre. The liberation struggle
that was waged by the SPLM in the South, Southern Kordofan, Eastern
Sudan and Blue Nile with political vision of New Sudan had not only
appealed to the rural Sudan but awakened them to rise up to fight for
the their rights.
The success of the SPLM in bringing peace that is transforming Sudan
rests with its vision of New Sudan that challenged the old Sudan
agenda that defined Sudan around one religion and one ethnicity. The
CPA has provided a golden opportunity for ending the violent conflict
and a new basis for defining national identity and recognition of
cultural and religious diversity as a virtue and a basis for peace
building, citizenship and legal pluralism. Specifically, the CPA has
redefined the nature of state in Sudan away from Arab-Islam paradigm
and recognized the cultural, religious and ethnic diversity as a
virtue and the foundation for national cohesion in the new
post-conflict Sudan. Specifically, the post-CPA Sudan has been defined
as multi-cultural, multi-lingual, multi-racial, multi-ethnic, and
multi-religious country where such diversities co-exist and are
sources of strength, harmony and inspiration for the Sudanese people
and shall not be used for creating division.
One of the salient features of the CPA is that it has laid down a new
basis for the relationship between all levels of government in the
Sudan and their people through new constitutions at the national,
Southern Sudan and states levels. The sovereign authority in the Sudan
has been recognized to be vested in the people with all levels of
government deriving their authority from the people. Among the basic
principles adopted in the CPA is the devolution of governmental
functions and powers to the people at appropriate levels where they
can best manage and direct their own affairs.
Besides the recognition of sovereign authority of the people and
devolution of powers, the Bill of Rights has also been recognized in
the CPA and enshrined in the new Interim National Constitution and
subsequently making it obligatory on all levels of government to
respect, uphold and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms. The
Bill of Rights is a covenant between the people and their government
at every level and the cornerstone of social justice, equality and
democracy. By adopting the principle of devolution of powers and the
Bill of Rights, the CPA has laid a basis for good governance, respect
of rule of law and basic rights and freedoms which are the concerns of
the rural Sudan. Two years after the signing the CPA, Sudan has
witnessed a constitutional transformation with all states and Southern
Sudan having their own constitutions, functioning legislative
assemblies, governments and judiciary. As rightly stated by Dr. John,
the icon of peace, that “Sudan will not be the same again with the
signing of the CPA” Sudan was indeed changing everyday with the
implementation of the CPA.
2.1 Self-Rule and Popular Consultation
The sustainable peace in the Sudan will primarily hinge on the
stability in the transitional areas of Nuba Mountains, Blue Nile,
Eastern Sudan and Darfur as these areas represent the majority of the
marginalized rural Sudanese. Indeed, the extent to which Khartoum can
continue to commit and in fact build upon these CPA principles going
forward will be a yardstick by which it will be able to measure the
peace that it can secure internally. While the people of Nuba
Mountains, Eastern Sudan and Blue Nile initially joined the agenda of
the SPLM to fight for freedom and rights symbolized in the New Sudan
vision, the people of Darfur were later on dragged into civil war with
similar underlying causes of marginalization, suppression and neglect
from the central government.
As the conflict in Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile is a microcosm of
other conflicts in the rural areas of northern Sudan , the CPA has
provided a resolution for such conflict and a model framework for
addressing the issues of governance, neglect and marginalization not
only in the two states but also for the entire rural Sudan . The
resolution of conflict in Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile in the CPA,
through its respective principle, has accorded both states with
something on the way to autonomous and decentralized self-rule with
independent executive, legislative and judicial organs. According to
the CPA, this arrangement was subject to popular consultation by the
people of the two states through their respective democratically
elected legislatures. While the CPA ended, the parties agreed recently
in Addis Ababa to continue with their commitment to implement the
protocols and popular consultation. The implementation of the
protocols for Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile will be a litmus test for
the CPA as a framework for resolving other conflicts in other areas of
the Sudan such as Darfur and Eastern Sudan.
In fact the decentralized self-rule did not adequately meet the
aspirations of the people of Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile at the time
of the conclusion of the CPA. What they were aspiring for was the
right of self-determination that the people in Abyei secured –the
right to a referendum. Despite their dissatisfaction, most people in
these areas appreciated what has been achieved in the CPA as first
step in their long search for ultimate self-determination. As I
mentioned in my statement before this committee on 24th January 2007
that “In case the implementation of the CPA fails to provide a
meaningful self-rule in Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile, then the chance
that war will erupt again is most likely in these transitional areas.”
It seems what I said four and half years ago proved to be a reality
today.
2.2 Abyei Referendum
The problem of Abyei Area is one of the main causes that sparked the
conflict again between the north and south after the conclusion of the
Addis Ababa Peace Agreement in 1972. Since the British colonial
authority arbitrary decided to annex Abyei area to Northern Sudan in
1905 without the consent of the Ngok people, the area has been gravely
devastated by policies of ethnic cleansing and counterinsurgency.
Despite the conflict in Abyei area was resolved in the Addis Ababa
Peace Agreement; the provisions concerning Abyei Area were
deliberately ignored until the entire Addis Ababa Agreement was later
abrogated. The CPA has recognized this thorny conflict by according
the people of Abyei dual citizenship in the South and North, special
administrative status under the Presidency and a referendum to
determine their future administrative status. The people of Abyei area
overwhelmingly supported the CPA as their aspirations have been
adequately met. As I mentioned in 2007 in my statement before the US
Congressional Hearing that “Lack of implementation of Abyei Protocol
makes it now the most contentious flashpoint and litmus test to
stability and peace in the Sudan” is becoming a reality now. This
poses a direct challenge to the United States Government’s unique and
special contribution to the CPA as the current Abyei Protocol is based
on the suggested draft text prepared by USG and it subsequently makes
USG to have major stake in the implementation of this Protocol.
3. Why I resigned from the Sudanese Government? (see attached letter
of resignation)
The way the NCP handled the issue of the protocol of Abyei shows not
only a lack of commitment to the peace agreement but it clearly shows
its ethnic agenda of dehumanizing the black Africans in the Sudan.
This has been shown in the consistent pattern of ethnic cleansing in
Darfur, Abyei, Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile committed not by any other
person but the President of the Republic and his aide the Governor of
Southern Kordofan state. While the SPLM has shown flexibility in the
implementation of Abyei Protocol and concession for the sake of peace,
the NCP deliberately and consistently obstructed the implementation of
Abyei Protocol through the following actions.
· NCP without a legitimate basis rejected the report of the Abyei
Boundaries Commission (ABC) despite a clear provision in the CPA that
such report shall be final and binding.
· NCP invaded Abyei town in May 2008 that razed villages and resulted
in massive displacement of thousands of people and loss of innocent
lives and properties.
· While the SPLM, despite the loss of some areas of Dinka to the Arab
Misseriyia, accepted the ruling of the Hague Permanent Court of
Arbitration (PCA) on the boundaries of Abyei area, the NCP officially
accepted it but its actions showed a clear rejection of the final and
binding ruling. The boundaries of Abyei area as per the ruling have
not been demarcated as the NCP-supported Arab militia obstructed the
demarcation. It is worth mentioning that it was the NCP that suggested
to the SPLM to resort to international arbitration over the boundaries
of Abyei area.
· NCP deliberately obstructed the conduct of Abyei Referendum on 9th
of January 2011. While the two parties (SPLM and NCP) agreed that the
SPLM would nominate the chair of Abyei Referendum Commission and NCP
to nominate the chair of the Southern Sudan Referendum Commission, the
NCP rejected the SPLM nomination while the SPLM accepted the NCP
nomination.
· In an effort to dilute the choice of Ngok Dinka in a referendum, NCP
argued to allow all Arab nomads to vote in Abyei Referendum. While the
Protocol of Abyei Area explicitly defines the eligibility of voters in
Abyei Referendum to members of Ngok Dinka and other Sudanese residing
in Abyei area and with no other reference at all to other specific
communities but rather a requirement of residency, the NCP blindly and
without any convincing argument (legal precedents or prior state
practice) insisted that all Arab Misseriya should vote in the Abyei
Referendum. In fact the Arab nomads that move seasonally to South
Sudan did not vote in the Referendum of Southern Sudan.
· While the two parties have entrusted African Union High Level
Implementation Panel under the auspice of President Thabo Mbaki,
President Bashir after failing to mobilize Arab Misseriyia to attack
Abyei town, ordered the premeditated invasion of Abyei area and used
all military might of the state that resulted in more than 120,00
persons displaced, more than 200 killed, 20 persons tortured, more
than 5,000 huts burnt, properties of more than 10,000 households
looted and at least 5 persons dying daily among the displaced
population because of malnutrition, poor health services and denial of
humanitarian access. The NCP has started now after the displacement of
Ngok Dinka to settle Arab nomads in the Dinka land thereby changing
the ethnic composition of the area by force.
· The NCP has not taken any steps to implement the African Union
mediated agreement on temporary arrangements for Abyei Area to deploy
UN Forces (Ethiopian forces) to ensure the withdrawal of Sudan Armed
Forces out of Abyei area and to allow return of displaced population
to their home areas. They have dishonoured arrangements for nominating
members of the Abyei Administration and have made no visible plan to
redeploy their forces. Currently four Ethiopian soldiers lost their
lives in explosions planted by the Sudan Armed Forces and the injured
were denied evacuation by Sudan Armed Forces.
· Unfortunately, the international community paradoxically decided not
to access the affected people of Abyei area by wrongly considering
Abyei area as part of the North and subsequently rewarding the
brutality of Bashir against the people of Abyei area (see attached
Kush White Paper on Abyei).
4. CPA: Unfinished Business:
After six years of the interim period that ended on 9th July 2011 and
during which all the provisions of the CPA should have been
implemented, there are critical provisions of the CPA that have not
been implemented. On the top of these provisions is the conduct of
referendum in Abyei area and popular consultations for the people of
Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile states. Unlike other provisions that
have not been implemented, the referendum in Abyei area and popular
consultations in the two area clearly addressed the root causes of
conflict in these areas and are considered as major achievements in
the CPA in meeting the political aspirations of the people of these
transitional areas.
4.1. Popular Consultation: NCP betrayed the people of the two areas
The people of South Kordofan and Blue Nile states attached a lot of
hope on popular consultations as a mechanism through which they could
consolidate what they have achieved in the CPA and to provide a
platform to negotiate with the central government mechanism to address
shortcomings in the implementation of CPA in order to meet their
political aspirations within a united Sudan. However, the NCP
deliberately undermined the popular consultations and betrayed the
people of the two areas through the following actions:
· NCP resisted the popular consultation legislation and it was forced
to accept the law after serious pressure through peaceful
demonstration in Khartoum led by the SPLM calling for the passing of
bills related to referendum for people of South Sudan and Abyei area
and popular consultations and that resulted in the imprisonment and
torturing of some leaders of the SPLM.
· NCP deliberately rigged elections in the two areas, particularly in
Southern Kordofan state with the aim of diluting the representation of
the people in state legislatures that will exercise the popular
consultations.
· NCP deliberately obstructed the process of popular consultation in
Blue Nile that started well under the supervision of the governor of
the state.
· NCP unilaterally dismissed the members of South Sudan in national
legislature (National Assembly and Council of states) before the end
of the interim period (9th July 2011) with clear intention of denying
them to participate in the discussion of the results of popular
consultations if no solution is found at state level.
· NCP unilaterally took a decision contrary to the provisions of the
CPA to forcefully disarm the SPLA in the two areas before the end of
the interim period on 9th July 2011 and waged a war against the people
of South Kordofan on 5th June 2011.
· NCP rejected to implement the African Union mediated Addis Ababa
Agreement that allowed for ceasefire, peaceful resolution of
outstanding issues and free access of humanitarian assistance.
· NCP continues to commit massive human rights violations, including
war crimes, ethnic cleansing and displacement of hundreds of thousands
of innocent civilians, children and women and denial of humanitarian
access to aid the victims. Furthermore the NCP has not only refused to
open camps for the internally displaced people (IDPs) but uses them as
human shield in the ongoing aerial bombardment of their houses,
hospitals and places of worship.
· The preliminary reports by the UN in Southern Kordofan confirm the
atrocities committed by NCP tantamount to war crimes and crimes
against humanity. Mass graves are found in Southern Kordofan state and
NCP is trying to reallocate such mass graves before thorough
investigation by the UN is undertaken
· Democratic newspapers are banned and remaining newspapers are
censored by the national security. SPLM-North has been banned and
elected Governor of Blue Nile state has been removed by a Presidential
decree of Bashir and state of emergency has been declared in the Blue
Nile state. Most SPLM North members are rounded up and detained and
many journalists, poets, youth leaders, women leaders and human rights
activists are behind bars.
· More worrying is that NCP plans to declare war against the new state
of South Sudan and that will drag the entire region into status of
instability.
The atrocities that are now being committed by NCP in the whole of
Sudan brought Sudan back to a civil war between the NCP and Sudanese
people. We are witnessing mass atrocities once again in Sudan and we
have only a limited time to prevent further escalation that will
engulf the rest of the Sudan.
4.2 Post-Secession Arrangements: A commitment for two viable states
In order to strengthen and nurture the historical relations between
the North and the South on the new basis and to mitigate the
consequences of secession of the South and to ensure as well that the
two states will not only be peaceful but equally viable, the AUHIP has
been facilitating the negotiations between the parties with the hope
of reaching a comprehensive agreement around issues of mutual benefits
to the two states. Based on my personal knowledge during these
negotiations, I came to a conclusion that NCP is not keen or capable
to forge new good relations with the new state in the South as it is
well reflected in the following positions:
Citizenship: Given the unique history of Sudan and social relations
developed over years, the SPLM supports the principle of option to
choose and guarantee the freedom to reside, own, work and travel, the
NCP on the other hand rejects such principle and is lukewarm in
accepting the four freedoms with the South. With such position, the
NCP intends to grant citizenship on the basis of their political
choice rather than that of individual and it subsequently undermines
the interest of large population of nomads and other transboundary
population. Despite international law’s prohibition on creating
statelessness and favouring the right of option and encouraging soft
landings for citizens when sovereignty changes occur, Sudan has
decided to automatically withdraw citizenship of all Southerners in
the North and released ALL Southerners from public and private service
in the North depriving them of livelihoods and making their continued
stay in the North difficult, regardless of citizenship status.
Oil Sector: While the South is committed to using oil facilities to
build economic cooperation on the basis of international practices,
the NCP opted to use its leverage over pipelines in the North to
effect exorbitant fees USD 33.2 per barrel exported through the North
and to wage economic war against the South. Indeed, during the month
of July the North oversold Southern oil and retained the share of the
South in the oil revenue.
Currency: While the South opts to have its own currency and to use the
redeemed Sudanese currency as part of its foreign reserve to promote
trading activities with the North as recommended by International
Monitory Fund, the NCP unilaterally issued in a disorderly manner its
new currency in an effort not take responsibility of its currency in
the South as it liabilities. With this unilateral action and refusal
to accept the redeemed currencies in the South as its liabilities, the
NCP has not acted contrary to international practices but it left the
South valueless old Sudanese currency estimated to be more than one
billion US dollars. Actually what the North has done is contrary to
international financial and banking standards in that the Central Bank
of Sudan has not honoured its currency liability. Also they refused
the redemption by trade which state practice showed would have
benefitted both the North and South and while negotiating about the
South’s currency and agreeing in principle that both should not issue
a new currency without coordination, they unilaterally issued a new
currency while depriving the South of SDG’s in July that were due
under the CPA.
Soft-Borders: While the parties agreed to the principle of soft border
and free movement of goods, services, people and animals, the NCP
decided unilaterally to close its borders with far reaching economic
consequences on the people of South Sudan.
North-South Border and the Third Party: While the South argues for the
need for a third party (UN or AU) to supervise and monitor the border,
particularly in the disputed areas, the NCP rejects any presence of
the third party and opted instead to military occupy the disputed
areas along the North – South border.
4.3 The Danger of Disintegration and Radicalism in Sudan
While the secession of the South would certainly create serious
economic shocks on the North, it would have equally provided new
opportunities and space for serious reform in the North through the
process of permanent constitution making. Contrary to the
expectations, the continuing state of Sudan faces the following
challenges but provides as well opportunities:
· The leadership of the NCP is not only getting weaker and without
focus but it is more divided with more radical elements and army
directing the affairs of the state.
· With the secession of the South, the Islamic extremists are
advocating for establishing now a real Islamic state as the North has
now been purified from non-Islamic elements. President Bashir even
echoed this by stating in one of the public rally that with secession
of the South Islam shall be the only religion of the state and Arabic
shall be the official language of the Sudan.
· While the other political parties are rather weak, the SPLM North is
the only credible political party that can provide strong opposition
and be a key ally in pushing the agenda of democratic reform and
change in the Sudan. But given the political development in Southern
Kordofan state and atrocities being committed in Darfur, the SPLM
North may opt to adopt the path of regime change through armed
struggle.
· Given the current political development in the Southern Kordofan and
Blue Nile states, increased violence and atrocities in Dafur and
disappointment in the East, Sudan runs the risk of disintegration as
there are voices now calling for right of self-determination in these
regions.
· It is apparent that after secession of the South, some opportunities
are missed in the North by not building on the CPA reforms and seeing
them as way to resolve crisis, addressing the grievances of the
periphery and avoiding further violence.
5. South Sudan: The Challenges of Building a New State and New Relations
Certainly, the viability of the new state of South Sudan will largely
depend on the stability in the North, the peace or violence found
along its border with Sudan, and the type of relations that will be
developed between the two states. The current political development
and atrocities committed in Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile will pose
a real challenge to the new state of the South. There are now strong
views within the NCP that call for invasion of South Sudan. It is
apparent that with NCP in power in Khartoum, there will be no good
relations between the North and South and that will greatly undermine
the viability of two states.
7. Our Dream for Sudan
The international community must recognize that the way NCP is
managing the affairs of state of Sudan is extremely alarming and will
soon create a catastrophe of unimaginable proportions. The leadership
of the NCP is becoming a real liability not only to its own people but
a real threat to stability and peace in regional and continent. The
pattern of ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity being
committed by the leadership of NCP require collective international
action. The world has discovered, if impunity is permitted, as
evidenced by Darfur and what is now happening in the Southern Kordofan
and Abyei area, we shall not have seen the last of such violence only
its exportation to other areas and other victims. The international
community must scale up their efforts to bring the leadership of NCP
to justice and the efforts of International Criminal Court (ICC) of
apprehending the culprits of these atrocities to be supported and
expanded to include the recent atrocities committed in Abyei and
Southern Kordofan. As part of scaling up pressure on the Sudan, the
members of the UN to restraint diplomatic relations with Sudan until
it stops such atrocities and to seriously work towards full
implementation of the remaining provisions of the CPA and the current
agreements signed in Addis Ababa.
The UN Security Council, on the basis of the preliminary UN Human
Rights Report, Amnesty International Report and Human Rights Watch
Report, to commission a thorough investigation of crimes against
humanity and war crimes committed by NCP and its leadership in Abyei,
Southern Kordofan and Blue Nile. We in particular call upon the
members of UN Security Council who objected to such investigation to
reconsider their positions.
Given the terrain and denial of access to the affected areas, the
humanitarian crisis will get even worse during the next few months.
Therefore it is critical for the international community to increase
humanitarian assistance and to explore creative options for getting
aid to South Kordofan, Blue Nile and Abyei either through imposing
NO-FLY zones or support indigenous organizations or to encourage
safe-corridors and IDPs camps for the affected communities,
particularly in secured areas in South Sudan where the new State of
the South needs to address challenges related to security, water,
education, health, agriculture, and to encourage private direct
investment.
While working to apprehend the culprits in the atrocities committed in
Sudan, the international community, particularly African Union must
put more pressure on NCP to fully implement agreements signed by
parties in Addis Ababa. In particular, the international community and
in an effort to build confidence between the North and South to exert
pressure on the government of Sudan to immediately withdraw SAF forces
from Abyei area as per Addis Agreement and the immediate return of
Abyei area to South Sudan. The international community to adopt a
clear policy on dual jurisdiction of Abyei area and to encourage
humanitarian access to Abyei area from the South.
The new Republic of South Sudan as a newest country, it has all
enormous potentials and opportunities to be become a viable state and
to forge good relations with the North. Certainly unstable North will
derail the South to realize its potential and growth that is needed
for the benefits of the people of the region. The success of South
Sudan is central to the stability of the region and it should be seen
in the context of strategic global security, given the emergence of
Islamic radicalism in the North. What the South will be lacking most
is the skilled human resource and capacity to build a new state and
such capacity gap can easily be gradually resolved by assisting the
return of Diaspora and increased investment in human resource,
particularly in education and training. Given the available
international experiences and knowledge, the world stands a chance of
making its newest country a success and to avoid any option for
failure.
Our dream is that Sudan will be better off without President Bashir
and NCP as people of Sudan will not only lead their lives with
dignity, harmony and respect to each other but Sudan that would enjoy
good relations with its neighbours, particularly South Sudan and
international community. Sudan without Bashir will make Sudan to be
removed from the countries supporting terrorism, Sudan without
sanctions, Sudan that would benefit from debt relief, and Sudan that
will be viable with good economic relations and soft border with the
South, Sudan that would play a leading role in the region, continent
and world, Sudan that sees diversity as virtue rather than a curse and
Sudan that all its citizens will be proud of.
8. Conclusion:
In conclusion, let me remind the participants of this summit that
people of United States of America are on the verge of honouring one
of its greatest fallen heroes – Dr. Martin Luther King. Dr. King, in
his letters from Birmingham jail, stated that an “Injustice anywhere
is a threat to justice everywhere.” Mr. King’s words ring just as true
today in our timely summit as they did then. In Sudan there are heroes
and heroines dying or suffering every day - not just on battlefields,
but because of their opinions, ideas, conscience, race, religion or
being in Abyei, Nuba Mountains, Darfur and member of SPLM-North. They
need you to stand up for the injustices falling upon them.
21st May 2011 H. E. Omer Ahmed Hassan El Bashir, President of the
Republic of Sudan, Khartoum, Sudan.
Mr President,
Subject: Resignation as Minister of Cabinet
Since I was appointed as Minister of Cabinet Affairs by Your
Excellency on the basis of the political partnership between the NCP
and SPLM, I vowed to be a loyal member of the Cabinet under Your
Leadership so that we can fully implement the national programme
agreed upon for the remaining period of the CPA. On the top of the
priorities of this national programme is the full implementation of
CPA and maintenance of peace and stability in the Sudan.
Since my appointment as national minister, I tried whatever possible
to discharge my duties and responsibilities to the best of my
abilities and I equally worked harder to promote the image of Sudan in
different international fora. In some instances I defended the
personality of Your Excellency for the sake of peace in the Sudan.
Equally, during my brief period in the national government, I gained a
lot of experience, particularly in the Ministry of Cabinet Affairs. I
always express my admiration to the suburb quality of civil service in
the Ministry of Cabinet Affairs that I termed sometimes as an
exemplary institution in the Sudan.
Mr President, since the conclusion of the CPA in 2005, I have been
following closely the way you have been leading our nation. Although I
admired your political courage that might have contributed to the
conclusion of the CPA, I equally, Mr. President, observed the gradual
decay and demise of the state of Sudan under your leadership. Despite
my ignorance of Islam, I saw how the noble Islamic values and ethics
of self-denial, honesty, peace, austerity and honesty, upon which you
have been basing your leadership, have been greatly undermined and
even supplanted by earthy values of greed, corruption and selfishness.
Looking up to Your Excellency as national leader and symbol of our
nation, I saw how the issue of Darfur and Abyei and your prejudice
against African groups reduced you to symbolize only Arab ethnic
groups in the Sudan.
Mr President, your decision to declare Abyei area as a war zone and
dissolution of Abyei Administration has not only marked a blatant
violation of the peace agreement but it has also undermined the peace
as the core achievement of CPA. The barbaric attacks of civilians in
Abyei area that resulted in massive displacement of thousands of
people and loss of their livelihoods have added the people of Abyei to
the list of the people who greatly suffered from war crimes under your
leadership. Mr. President your decision to unilaterally dissolve Abyei
Administration and declaration of war in Abyei area are not only
contrary to the provisions of the CPA and Interim National
Constitution but it has grossly undermined the national programme to
which you have committed your national government to implement.
Mr. President, with the current events in Abyei area, escalation of
conflict in Darfur, robbery of election results in Southern Kordofan,
utter neglect of Eastern Sudan Peace Agreement, collapsing economy
with hyperinflation that is affecting every citizen, erosion of rule
of law and fundamental freedoms and the intensification of unrest in
the South by the NCP-sponsored militias, I came to a conclusion that
the way you are leading Sudan is making you not only a liability to
the Sudanese people and your party but also to the continent and
indeed to the world at large. I am afraid, Mr. President that the
people of Sudan will remember you as leader who fought his own people
but with a record in causing enormous human suffering and injustice
that resulted in disintegration of Sudan.
With the aforementioned reasons, I felt obliged Mr. President to
present to you my resignation through the First Vice President of the
Republic of Sudan as I will not be fit to serve under your leadership.
Clearly the values and the national programme of building peace during
the remaining period of the interim period have been grossly
undermined by your leadership.
Mr. President, despite this unpleasant view about your leadership,
still you have a golden opportunity to work with your brother
President Salva to focus on building good relations between the North
and South. Our current meetings in Ethiopia facilitated by President
Thabo Mbaki provide a golden opportunity of how SPLM and NCP can work
together to ensure two viable states after the secession of the South.
Abyei area should not be an obstacle to this future vision of building
two viable states and your political courage with President Salva to
resolving amicably Abyei issue would certainly contribute positively
towards the realization of this noble vision.
Thanks
Luka Biong Deng, Minister of Cabinet, National Government, Khartoum, Sudan
CC. H.E. First Vice President of the Republic of Sudan, Gen. Salva
Kiir MayarditCC. H.E. Vice President of the Republic of Sudan, Ustaz
Ali Osman
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