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* Rare tribe in Orissa battles mining company Vedanta *



 *

WITH a broad smile on his face and a narrow-bladed axe hanging from his
shoulder, the tribesman steps from the verdant jungles of eastern India to
offer us 'welcome'. In keeping with the traditions of the Dongria Kondh
people who inhabit the Niyamgiri Hills in the Indian state of Orissa, we
outsiders are given gifts without solicitation or hesitation. The man offers
freely from what little he has, ordering his wife to stoop so that he can
take handfuls of freshly harvested oranges from a pannier balanced on her
head. The fruit is green, but after a six-mile walk through the humid
forest, the bitter flesh provides the perfect refreshment.



As we stand spitting pith and pips into the undergrowth, our unexpected
benefactor is introduced as 'Kalya'. According to the most recent census of
Indian tribes, Kalya is one of 7,952 surviving members of the Dongria -
literally 'hill people' - themselves a dwindling sub-section of the Kondh
peoples, who have inhabited the forests of eastern India for several
thousand years. We are en route to a Dongria village where we will stay the
night. Kalya points the way up a well-trodden path that winds beneath the
thick forest canopy. Our journey, he says, is nearly at an end. The village
of Gorta is less than a mile away, in the next clearing, after crossing a
small stream.



Armed with these jungle directions we walk on, deeper into the Niyamgiri
Hills. After four hours of walking, the afternoon is just starting to fade
into evening. The rays of a softening sun fall on distant hillsides where
dots of red and blue can be seen tending the hill gardens that the Dongria
carve from the jungle in ragged squares. In season, they produce copious
quantities of oranges and bananas, ginger and turmeric, sweet papaya and the
massive, pendulous jackfruit. The trees pop and whistle with the call of
unseen birds and from up in the hills comes the distant sound of beating
drums. It seems incredible to think that in a few short years this world
could be lost for ever.



A thousand miles away in the Indian capital, New Delhi, men in black cloaks
and stiff white collars are arguing over the future of Kalya and his tribe.
While we suck oranges, the lawyers in India's Supreme Court petition the
bench, the murmur of their voices floating upwards into the great dome above
their heads. Ceiling fans suspended on metal poles beat lethargically in the
hot air. The case has been going on for three years, but decision time is
fast approaching. The arguments for both sides are stark and, despite the
years of debate, apparently without compromise. At stake is the future of
the Dongria Kondh and the Niyamgiri Hills.



On one side sits the government of India, the state government of Orissa and
the Indian subsidiary of Vedanta Resources Plc, a FTSE-100 British mining
corporation. They are applying for permission to dig up the Niyamgiris -
rich in bauxite, the base mineral used in the manufacture of aluminium - at
the rate of three million tons a year and then pour them into a £400 million
alumina refinery, which has already been constructed at the foot of the
hills. This important work, Vedanta and its supporters in the Indian
government argue, is vital for the development of the new Indian nation and
will bring jobs and infrastructure to some of the poorest people on the
planet.



Opposing them is a coalition of environmentalists, social anthropologists,
left-wing politicians and - perhaps uniquely - the court's own 'centrally
empowered' fact-finding committee. Digging up the Niyamgiris will be a
social and environmental catastrophe, they say, destroying rivers and
streams on which tens of thousands of people depend to irrigate their crops,
polluting rivers with the toxic 'red mud' that is a by-product of aluminium
manufacture and - most importantly, according to the anthropologists -
wiping out the Dongria Kondh, who worship the sacred hills named after their
god, Niyamraja.



The cause of the Dongria protesters is not without hope. Twenty years ago a
similar alliance of tribal people, Dalits (formerly Untouchables) and Hindu
activists succeeded in blocking plans to mine bauxite from the Gandhamardan
mountain range in Orissa on environmental and religious grounds. Today only
a derelict compound built for workers stands as a reminder of that victory,
which was won after hundreds of protesters had endured police beatings as
local women laid their children on the ground to stop the advance of the
heavy mining plant. But today's protesters are fighting for their mountain
in a more modern India - a country hungry for raw materials and ever mindful
of creating a favourable investment climate for foreign investors and
multinationals. Back in those lush hills, in the village of Gortha, the
court's dry deliberations seem a world away. Just before we enter the clutch
of mud-and-thatch houses, we pause at a small 'pooja' (prayer) stand
constructed from four upright sticks and lined with a bed of leaves. A few
grains of rice and a dead pigeon squab are evidence of a recent sacrifice to
the village deity. Until the British arrived in the early 19th century and
forced them to give up the practice, the Dongria used human sacrifices to
propitiate their gods. Today the buffalo is the largest animal to go under
the sacrificial knife.



The village, a single line of houses surrounded by a low wattle fence, is
preparing for nightfall. Without electricity life revolves around the rising
and setting of the sun. A fire is being lit, and from the hillside comes a
swaying line of brown cows, whose arrival is heralded by the clonking wooden
bells hanging from their necks. They ignore the few chickens scratching
around in the dust and the goat kids that skitter among their plodding
hooves. The village is plagued by grumpy jungle mutts who, when not
copulating, seem to growl at everything that passes - human or animal,
friend or foe.



After the cows, as the last ambient light of dusk fades behind the hills,
comes Dodi, the village headman, accompanied by three other male villagers.
They are all drunk; glassy-eyed and swaying gently on their feet. The Hindu
festival for the goddess Durga is a few days away and the men have been out
to a nearby village for a warm-up celebration, drinking sago-palm 'toddy' -
a forest-brewed wine that has kept the Dongria pleasantly drunk for
centuries. Drinking is part of the ritual of life. The sago palm takes 15
years to mature and in Dongria lore its sweet, white sap is compared to
breast-milk. The first sap, or 'sindi', is likened to a pubertal girl, on
the threshold of womanhood.



Drink has always been part of the Dongria culture, but is taken only after
the hard work needed to live off the fruits of the forest is done. As Dodi
shuffles away to sleep off his binge, another villager is preparing to leave
for his fruit garden high up on the hillside. He will spend 10 days there
protecting precious crops from elephants, wild boars and light-fingered
monkeys, warning them off with tribal songs and the banging of drums. After
he leaves, a scrawny cockerel is killed for supper. The feathers are burnt
off in the fire before the women get to work drawing and dicing the bird.
Stewed for an hour, and served with rice on leaf 'plates', the meat is still
shoe-leather tough.



For all the temptations to romanticise Dongria life, it is a hard existence,
lived - to Western eyes at least - without comfort. By UN standards, many of
the children are undernourished, and less than five per cent of adults can
read or write. The work of collecting wood and water, growing fruits and
grazing animals takes all the hours of the day. Money comes from selling
goods at market a six-hour walk away. Few can afford medicine. Among the
villagers we meet a six-year-old boy, Dasuru, whose neck is scarred with the
lesions of glandular tuberculosis. He is listless and weaves his head gently
to and fro. His father says he took him to a doctor in the nearby town but
the treatment didn't really work. It cost too much. We sleep on the earthen
floor of Dodi's house, the air still thick with wood smoke from the cooking
fire. Before he returns to his slumbers, Dodi announces that when the sun
rises, we will hunt.



The dawn breaks with the chattering of women in the village compound. They
are off to market with baskets of fresh produce and bundles of firewood. All
day a steady line of colourfully clad women can be seen walking to market
with neatly tied faggots on their heads. Piece by piece, the ancient forest
is being carted to market to fuel the cooking fires of India's swelling
populations. The men, left behind with their hangovers, disappear into the
forest and return with an unripe papaya whose white flesh has the density of
balsa wood. Stewed with spices, however, the fruit makes a surprisingly good
breakfast. The tribesmen eat bowls of cold millet porridge, part of the
staple diet which sustains them on the long walks around the hills.



At the first glimpse of guns - crude country-made weapons with
percussion-cap firing mechanisms - the five or six village dogs forget their
differences and form a cohesive pack. They trot alongside the party as we
climb into the jungle on narrow trails. The trees are thick with butterflies
of all imaginable colours - copper and blue, yellow and black, crimson and
violet. We walk fast until Dodi stops to examine some boar tracks visible in
the soft mud of a stream. After a few minutes he gloomily pronounces them to
be yesterday's and we move on, higher into the hills. The Dongria know their
jungle as intimately as an Englishman knows his house. The greenery all
around is classified as parts of the human body. According to a Dongria
creation myth the forest grew out of the body of a demon killed by a Dongria
king called Biridanga. The big, thick-trunked trees are the bones of his
legs, the grass his body hair, the scrubby bushes his pubic hair, the
creeper-vines that festoon the trees, his intestines.



We walk for several hours but fail to find our quarry. Dodi isn't fussy; a
monkey, a boar, a samba deer, anything will do. By midday we reach the top
of the hillside and settle on a promontory to rest.



From his vantage point, Dodi points to a nearby ridgeline a few miles away.
Over that hill, he says, is 'the factory' - the alumina refinery that wants
to take away their sylvan existence. The Supreme Court's formal go-ahead for
the bauxite blasting to begin is expected soon. In the tranquillity of his
surroundings, it is easy to understand how Dodi sounds so disconnected from
the implications of that decision. 'We have heard about the factory and how
if they start mining it will dry up our streams and leave us with nothing to
take to market to earn money,' he says. 'There is talk of a protest meeting
in the state capital [of Orissa, Bhubaneshwar] but I haven't decided yet
whether we should go.'



advertisementIn many respects it is a miracle that the Dongria Kondh have
survived relatively unchanged by the modern world. India's population has
doubled in the past 30 years - from 550 million to 1.1 billion people - and
will grow to almost 1.5 billion by 2050. As the country develops,
competition for resources is intense. The Orissa state government has signed
more than £10 billion of mining agreements in the past two years and is
planning more. The Dongria are due to be the next casualties of the headlong
rush for industrial development. As Naveen Patnaik, the chief minister of
Orissa state, told his legislature, 'No one - I repeat no one - will be
allowed to stand in the way of Orissa's industrial development and the
people's progress.'



The opponents of the mining spree ask who exactly stands to 'progress' by
schemes like the one to dig up the Niyamgiri Hills. Certainly not the
Dongria who, according to anthropologists such as Felix Padel, who studied
the tribe for his Oxford doctoral thesis, face 'cultural genocide' from the
mine. 'The Dongria are hill people, resettling them on the plains is a form
of ethnicide. They live in the hills, they worship the hills, they survive
off the hills,' he says. 'The Niyamgiri Hills are not simply where the
Dongria live, but the very essence of who they are. To resettle them is to
destroy them.'



A resettled Dongria village - Sakata - on the edge of the forest would
appear to support that gloomy prediction. A few years back, the people were
given 'pukka' concrete houses and land to grow crops but have since done
nothing with the government's gift. Almost all the men of the village are
dead from taking too much of the potent local liquor, which is far stronger
than the sago-wine of their tradition. 'With the connection to the forest
gone,' a local social worker says, 'the men of the village simply earned
enough as day labourers to drink themselves to death.'



For Dr Padel the mining of the Niyamgiri Hills is as economically
exploitative as anything done by the East India Company. The mine, he says,
will impoverish the already poor, extracting vast wealth for the convenience
of the developed world and enriching mostly Vedanta's shareholders - the
company's share price has quintupled from £4 to £20 since 2003 - and a cabal
of local politicians. For the Dongria, he says, it will bring disaster. Much
of the aluminium extracted from the hills will go for export, to make
everything from missiles (the arms industry is one of the major users of
aluminium) to Coca-Cola cans and cars - essential items in a world in which
the Dongria have no stake and little understanding.



And the view that this is ethically and morally insupportable is apparently
not confined to anti-globalisation activists and left-wing academics. Last
November the government of Norway withdrew all investments in Vedanta after
its Ethical Council concluded the company 'has caused serious damage to
people and to the environment as a result of its economic activities'.



For its part, Vedanta and its Indian subsidiary Sterlite Industries has
pledged to give five per cent of the mine's profits for welfare schemes to
help the locals. It sounds impressive, but the history of such pledges,
activists say, shows that most of the money will be dissipated through
corrupt local bureaucracy, bringing scant benefit to the displaced.



Doitary Kadraka, a Dongria elder, has seen many changes in his 55 years, but
says he is not prepared to give up his people and hills just yet. 'The deep
forest is already mostly lost; there used to be different types of animals -
big bears and tigers - but they are no longer seen. Big snakes are also
gone, but the people are still there,' he says. But aren't those people
living in poverty? If the mining consortium were to offer them proper
houses, electricity, schools, health centres and running water - even
motorbikes or cars - would that not be a fair exchange for their sacred
mountain?



The old man laughs sadly at the implied logic behind the question. 'Vedanta
can give us a helicopter each and we won't give up our hills,' he says. 'We
can't go. The hills are who we are.' And when the bulldozers and the mining
engineers move in with their blasting caps, what then? Kadraka doesn't
hesitate. 'We'll fight,' he says. 'What choice do we have? If we give up the
hills we'll die anyway.'



It is time for us to leave. Dodi points to some grooves in the soft bauxite
rock, the same rock that the British geologist Cyril Fox identified for its
aluminium potential in the 1920s. This was the place, Dodi says, where his
ancestors once sat and sharpened their arrows. In those days there was
enough game to go round. Now the Dongria hunters use guns, but the superior
technology has left their forest increasingly bare of animals. When Dodi was
a boy 25 years ago the village hunts never returned empty-handed, but today
he trudges back down the hill without any game. The only 'prey' is several
handfuls of creamy-skinned oyster mushrooms plucked from the trunk of a tree
by Dodi's men, who scale the branches using the thick vines that descend
from the jungle canopy.



Back in the village Dodi accepts a few rupees for part of his mushroom haul,
a parting exchange of gifts before we walk the five hours back to
'civilisation'. The fungus is deliciously nutty, fried with coriander and
garlic at the offices of a Dongria support group run by a local social
worker, Bijaya Kumar Baboo, who has worked with the tribes of Orissa since
the rice famines in the 1980s.



He is pessimistic about the fight to come, gloomily accepting the
inevitability that the Supreme Court will eventually rule in favour of big
business and big government. 'The Dongria cannot survive this mine. Their
language, their living is different from the people down on the plains,' he
says. 'They will just disappear, die out. This is not development. It is
destruction, like a kite which swoops down on the village, steals the
chickens and then is gone.'



To Bijaya's eyes the decision to mine the Niyamgiris is both unjust and
short-sighted. There are, he insists, alternatives. 'Orissa is an
astonishingly productive area for fruits and rare medicinal herbs. We could
supply the world's entire need for Ayurvedic medicines. If industry switched
its focus to this area, how many people could benefit?' But after 25 years
in the field, Bijaya is realistic enough to know the quick money on offer
from mining is too great a temptation for the politicians to ignore.



'This mine will last for 25 years and it will destroy a world which has been
around for many, many centuries. I cannot see the sense in that. The Dongria
people have lived on so little for so long without destroying their world.
And yet we are destroying our world at an unsustainable rate. Before the
Dongria cease to exist, shouldn't we be asking if we have anything to learn
from them?'



(c) The Daily Telegraph
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