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*  American Aid for the Bokaro Steel Plant in 1963 *





Capitol Hill tempers heat up rapidly when U.S. foreign aid comes under
discussion. And no proposal is likely to generate more warmth than the one
to help India build a government-operated steel plant in the town of Bokaro,
north of Calcutta.

India already gets the largest single slice of U.S. aid—$775,100,000 in 1962
v. $403,900,000 for second-place Pakistan—and Nehru's socialist government
has not been notably grateful. The Bokaro plan calls for a $512 million
first loan and another $379 million later; if granted, it would become the
biggest single U.S. foreign aid project ever undertaken anywhere.

President Kennedy supports the plan. So, obviously, does his foreign aid
administrator, David E. Bell, although he is not yet quite willing to come
right out and say so. Last week Bell appeared before the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee to testify about the Bokaro project—and he bumped into a
buzz saw in Ohio Democrat Frank Lausche.

Grave Doubts. Lausche began by reading to Bell a passage from the overall
foreign aid report submitted last March by a presidential advisory committee
chaired by Retired General Lucius D. Clay. Plainly referring to the Bokaro
project, the Clay committee wrote: "We believe that the U.S. should not aid
a foreign government in projects establishing government-owned industrial
and commercial enterprises which compete with existing private endeavors . .
. Moreover, the observation of countless instances of politically operated,
heavily subsidized and carefully protected inefficient state enterprises in
less developed countries makes us gravely doubt the value of such
undertakings."

Bell's answer began carefully. He noted that final Administration approval
of the Bokaro plant was still pending. Said he: "I don't want to prejudge a
question which will not come to me for some months. We believe in an
economic system that has private as well as public capital invested in
productive . . ."

Lausche broke in. "Oh well," he said, "I will not insist on an answer. You
put your rules in such flexible language that they cover anything, including
giving aid to Communist or socialist governments around the world." Without
waiting, Lausche stalked out.

Bell continued with his explanation. A strong India, he said, is certainly
in the U.S.'s best interests. To become strong, India must build its
industrial potential, and the Bokaro plant is vital to this aim. Bell
insisted that Indian government officials and private citizens are almost
unanimous in their belief that the Bokaro plant should be
government-operated. He had, he said, recently talked to J.R.D. Tata, head
of one of India's two private steel mills. Tata told him that private
capital was simply not available, either in India or abroad, for investment
in the plant.

The Sick Child. Bell made a persuasive case for Bokaro—but the plan remains
a difficult pill for Capitol Hill to swallow. Of India's three existing
government steel mills, one was built by Great Britain, one by the Soviet
Union, and one by West Germany. At all three, construction costs far outran
estimates. At the Soviet mill, production costs have been higher than in the
private plants. And the West German mill was, until recently, so plagued by
mechanical difficulties and labor troubles that it was dubbed "the sick
child" of Indian industry. It was with this record in mind that the Clay
committee concluded that underdeveloped countries have no right to ask "aid
to enterprises which only increase their costs of government and the foreign
assistance burden they are asking us to carry."

http://bokaro.wordpress.com/2008/10/02/the-bokaro-steel-plant-issue-in-1963/





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