Hello Suresh,
I am afraid your assumption and understanding of religion of tribal people is 
not fully correct according to the ancient history of India.Tribal people have 
never been Hindu and they have their own religion and customs and rituals and 
have been practising long before Indus valley Civilisation flourished in India 
which was when Aryan people came to India.Most of the tribes of India were the 
second wave of people who inhabited India. Before them were Neg rotas people 
who are very few and can only be found in Andaman and Nicobar Islands.The 
majority of tribes of Jharkhand, Santhal ,Munda, Ho and some others belong to 
Austric group with their own languages,customs, traditions and culture.They 
have never been Hindu except some who have been influenced by the majority 
population and followed some of their festivals, customs and rituals.Apart from 
this during the the previous censuses, they have been unwittingly classed as 
Hindus by the Invigilators unless they
 state that they are Muslim or Christians.There was no separate coloumn for 
tribal religion in the census forms.
Your assumption that majority of tribes are Christians is also incorrect 
certainly in Jharkhand as it is not so.
I further urge all members to move on and not to keep raising the same very 
personal and spiritual matters all the time.
With Best wishes
Dhuni 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 



----- Original Message ----
From: suresh kumar <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
To: [email protected]
Sent: Monday, 16 June, 2008 11:33:57 AM
Subject: Re: Re: [ =>> Jharkhand <<= ] Caste and democracy: Reservations and 
the return to politics


 
 
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Hi roopa and all group

This is to tell u that all the tribals are Hindus and not christians.
Christian is a religion adopted by the tribals (Hindus) and de-roaded from 
hindu religion. Since I am from jharkhand and belong to densly populated tribal 
areas i have gone through their lifestyle and gound that the Tribals are 
performing pooja to trees, God Shiv, fires etc. Their style of performing pooja 
and celebrating festivals are very much near to the hindus.

People considers tribals as christian as most of the tribals are converted into 
christians (Logic efect).

More......

Regards


Suresh




Jun 2008 Roopa Sharma wrote :
>Besides, Land is immovable property whose characteristics of ownership vis a 
>vis the people inhabiting it are determined by usage over a period of time.I 
>am doubtful of teh relevancy of my comment rhough.
>rgds
>roopa
>
>--- On Mon, 16/6/08, WILLIAM KISKU <[EMAIL PROTECTED] com> wrote:
>
> From: WILLIAM KISKU <[EMAIL PROTECTED] com>
>Subject: Re: [ =>> Jharkhand <<= ] Caste and democracy: Reservations and the 
>return to politics
>To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] ps.co.in
>Date: Monday, 16 June, 2008, 2:02 AM
>
>
>
>
>
>
>This is getting interesting. ...
>
>1. What happens if a well to do tribal can afford to
>buy land from a non tribal( original high cast brahmin
>or whatever), does that land then becomes a tribal
>land???
>
>2. Next if that tribal( (a) christian tribal (b) hindu
>tribal) then decides due to pecuniary or whatever
>reasons, decides to sell the land,, can he then sell
>the land to another non tribal ( another high cast
>brahmin for example)???
>
>William Kisku
>--- Suranjeen Prasad Pallipamula <[EMAIL PROTECTED] com>
>wrote:
>
> > Dear Sudesh,
> > The tribal-Christian tag will continue because of
> > the land laws and has
> > nothing to do with reservations.
> > Tribal land cannot be by a non-tribal. If a tribal
> > is excluded because he
> > becomes Christian, then he is free to sell his land
> > to non-tribals.
> > So understand the debate fully before shooting
> > Suranjeen
> >
> > 2008/6/12 Sudesh Kumar <sudesh.kumar@ yahoo.com>:
> >
> > >
> > >
> > > *Jharkhand Network | Jharkhand.org. in/network
> > *<http://www.jharkhan d.org.in/ network>
> > > <http://egroups. com/list/ Jharkhand>
> > > * *
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Dear Friends,
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > The recent Gujjar revolts to acquire ST status
> > have given enough fuels to
> > > caste / community based reservation politics. In
> > our Jharkhand state we have
> > > approx. 40 percent of ST/SC populations and also,
> > most of Vidhan Sabha
> > > constituencies are reserved for ST/SC candidates.
> > So, like other parts of
> > > country our areas have been dominated with caste
> > based political equation.
> > > Sometimes, these all things force me to think
> > about ongoing transitional
> > > period of change in order to get rid of this kind
> > of political environment.
> > > Here is an old article that I have read recently
> > and posting here. I hope it
> > > would be worth reading for you.
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Warm regards,
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Sudesh
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Sudesh Kumar
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > >
> > > Caste and democracy: Reservations and the return
> > to politics
> > >
> > > Susie Tharu, M. Madhava Prasad, Rekha Pappu, K.
> > Satyanarayana
> > >
> > > Our paper was born out of a shared perception that
> > the debate on
> > > reservations in particular and of caste in general
> > could benefit from a
> > > reprise and re-evaluation of the political
> > dimension of the question. The
> > > term political has other meanings which we will be
> > invoking in what follows,
> > > but here we mean in particular those aspects that
> > have a bearing on the
> > > formal, structural problems posed by the
> > installation of a Republic in a
> > > society divided by caste. By critically examining
> > the prevailing range of
> > > opinions on this issue we want to broaden the
> > scope of the debate beyond
> > > reservations to the more pervasive and complex
> > problem of caste as such and
> > > in the process contribute to a re-grounding of the
> > struggle against caste
> > > discrimination away from the confines of state
> > policy into which it is
> > > repeatedly decoyed. We believe that this return to
> > politics is mandated by
> > > the way in which recent developments have
> > destabilized the assumption of an
> > > accomplished social contract and a democratic
> > polity.
> > >
> > > Our inquiry will draw sustenance from a reading of
> > the ongoing struggle
> > > over reservations, although this essay is by no
> > means an exhaustive
> > > commentary on this chain of events that has come
> > to be known as Mandal II.
> > > Thus one of the issues that we need to address is
> > how the defense of
> > > privilege in the current context is able to employ
> > with impunity the
> > > language of universality. What are the origins of
> > this naturalized equation
> > > of the register of democracy with the
> > institutionalized dominance of a
> > > minority? How have the principles of universality
> > been systematically
> > > resignified to suit the objective interests and
> > historical capacities of the
> > > dominant caste/class formation?
> > >
> > > In keeping with the spirit of constitutional
> > provisions, the Indian state
> > > has, in its own domain, instituted over the years
> > a number of measures to
> > > produce a representative community: the
> > bureaucracy and the public sector
> > > enterprises today show the results of such
> > intervention to a substantial if
> > > not a satisfactory extent. On the other hand the
> > state has failed miserably
> > > in its self-ascribed role as the agent of a
> > proactive programme of
> > > reconstituting the body politic in keeping with
> > the modern democratic ideals
> > > inscribed into the constitution. When it comes to
> > tackling the social
> > > problem of caste discrimination and structural
> > inequalities, the state has
> > > no doubt produced a number of legal provisions,
> > but has refrained from
> > > undertaking the work of restructuring, of
> > re-forming its citizen-subjects in
> > > keeping with the commitment to end caste
> > discrimination and oppression. On
> > > the contrary it would appear covertly to have
> > firmed up and strengthened the
> > > normative, upper caste and Hindu formation of this
> > subjectivity. Publicly
> > > caste has been subject to a policy of disavowal,
> > rather than of direct
> > > action. In such a situation, reservations have
> > become an important
> > > battleground for staging democratic conflicts, in
> > spite of their relatively
> > > minor significance in transforming the
> > sub-continent' s caste-based social
> > > order. In other words, even if reservations have
> > had or are capable of
> > > having little overall impact on the condition of
> > the beneficiary groups, its
> > > importance as a site of political conflict cannot
> > be overlooked. In a social
> > > order where civil society has insulated itself
> > against incursions from
> > > political society to the extent of appearing to be
> > a nation within the
> > > nation, it is not surprising that reservations – a
> > provision that responds,
> > > in its own small way, to the fact of
> > discrimination – have become the
> > > battleground where unresolved questions about
> > India's political identity are
> > > being raised again. We must see the battle over
> > reservations as only the
> > > most visible site of contestation and
> > renegotiation of the political
> > > covenant, behind which lie a whole host of
> > localized, inchoate, mutually
> > > contradictory struggles imbued with confidence and
> > energy and optimism in
> > > the face of despair, struggles that are reshaping
> > the Indian polity at the
> > > base in ways that we are yet to come to grips
> > with.
> > >
> > > Beyond policy
> > >
> > > The debates that erupted in the wake of the
> > so-called Mandal II can be the
> > > starting point for a critical engagement with the
> > prevailing discourse. The
> > > special supplement of the EPW on this issue (41:
> > 24, June 17 – 23, 2006)
> > > provides a representative sample of the prevailing
> > opinion. What is
> > > immediately evident in this collection is that
> > with one exception (Kancha
> > > Ilaiah), the contributions do not treat
> > reservations as a political
> >
>=== message truncated ===
>
>William Kisku
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>
>

 
 
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