*Editorial: Any takers for a secular state?*



*Business Standard / New Delhi October 05, 2008, 0:32 IST*



What can Naveen Patnaik have been thinking these past five weeks? Violence,
mostly against Christians, has been going on in his state since late August,
and he seems to have done precious little to stop it. This has done Orissa's
reputation no good, after Graham Staines and other killings of the past; nor
can it help the Orissa chief minister's own image as a new-generation
politician who wants to take his desperately poor state forward.

It couldn't be that Mr Patnaik is communally minded, for no one has hinted
at such. Perhaps the state's police force is useless; after all, it did
little to protect the Vishwa Hindu Parishad leader whose anticipated murder
in late August set off the latest cycle of violence against Christians.
Perhaps Kandhamal is a forested district, with isolated hamlets — and the
police cannot be everywhere. Which is fair enough, except that the rape of a
nun took place in front of a police station, which did nothing to protect
her and then did not bother to pick up the medical report until a newspaper
splashed the inaction more than three weeks later. Whether deliberate or
because of incompetence, the police inaction speaks poorly of a chief
minister who has been in office for the best part of a decade.

Or, perish the thought, Kandhamal may be Gujarat all over again. There is a
communal divide, between the predominantly Hindu tribals and the
predominantly Scheduled Caste Christians. There is economic tension, because
the latter has been more assertive, has become better educated (thanks
perhaps to the church) and has acquired land and moved ahead, unlike the
tribal majority, which now feels resentful. There is competition between
those espousing different religions; there has been an increase in the
percentage of Christian population over the decades, the result almost
certainly of the presence of large numbers of Christian priests and churches
in the district (though forcible conversion has not been established).
Various RSS organisations have been there, too, for decades, with their own
schools and other establishments. The result, if reports are to be believed,
is that the Christian population showed little or no growth in the last
census. With rival forces in a stand-off, was this a situation ripe for
conflagration? Perhaps, and if an assertive Hindu majority gets violent, can
there be any protection offered?

If that last is indeed the explanation for the continuing violence, then Mr
Patnaik must know that he will reap the electoral reward just as Narendra
Modi has done in Gujarat. So perhaps the state's inaction is deliberate.
That would also explain why, as in Gujarat, the Congress does nothing other
than mouth a few platitudes. Who would want to alienate the 95 per cent
Hindu population of Orissa, to protect less than 2 per cent who are
Christian? Even the Centre did not send in troops quickly, when the state
government asked for them.

All of which is possible to understand (though not accept). But what does it
say about the Indian state, if it cannot protect a 2 per cent minority,
whose very smallness gives the lie to the allegations of mass-scale
conversions? And what of those who practise genuine secularism, as opposed
to the pseudo-secularism decried by Mr Advani? Is killing, arson and rape
the genuinely secular answer to communal tension? And if the Congress is to
be pilloried in Delhi for its anti-Sikh pogrom in 1984, following Indira
Gandhi's assassination, do Mr Patnaik and his BJP partners in Orissa justify
similar reprisals in the wake of the killing of an RSS leader — especially
when the killers have not been identified? Orissa testifies to many things,
but most of all to the weakening of the secular structure of the state as
free rein is given to bodies like the Bajrang Dal to settle scores as they
think fit.



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