WASHINGTON (AP) -- Congressional leaders and the White House agreed Sunday to a 
$700 billion rescue of the ailing financial industry after lawmakers insisted 
on sharing spending controls with the Bush administration. The biggest U.S. 
bailout in history won the tentative support of both presidential candidates 
and goes to the House for a vote Monday. 
The plan, bollixed up for days by election-year politics, would give the 
administration broad power to use billions upon billions of taxpayer dollars to 
purchase devalued mortgage-related assets held by cash-starved financial firms. 

President Bush called the vote a difficult one for lawmakers but said he is 
confident Congress will pass it. "Without this rescue plan, the costs to the 
American economy could be disastrous," Bush said in a written statement 
released by the White House. He was to speak publicly about the plan early 
Monday morning, before U.S. markets open. 

Flexing its political muscle, Congress insisted on a stronger hand in 
controlling the money than the White House had wanted. Lawmakers had to 
navigate between angry voters with little regard for Wall Street and 
administration officials who warned that inaction would cause the economy to 
seize up and spiral into recession. 

A deal in hand, Capitol Hill leaders scrambled to sell it to colleagues in both 
parties and acknowledged they were not certain it would pass. "Now we have to 
get the votes," said Sen. Harry Reid, D-Nev., the majority leader. 

Rep. John A. Boehner, R-Ohio, the House minority leader, said he was urging 
"every member whose conscience will allow them to support this" to back it, but 
officials in both parties expected the vote to be a nail-biter. 

The final legislation was released Sunday evening, and Republicans and 
Democrats huddled for hours in private meetings to learn its details and voice 
their concerns. 

Many said they left undecided, and leaders were scrambling to put the most 
positive face on a deeply unpopular plan. 

"This isn't about a bailout of Wall Street, it's a buy-in, so that we can turn 
our economy around," said House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif. 

The largest government intervention in financial markets since the Great 
Depression casts Washington's long shadow over Wall Street. The government 
would take over huge amounts of devalued assets from beleaguered financial 
companies in hopes of unlocking frozen credit. 

"I don't know of anyone here who wants the center of the economic universe to 
be Washington," said a top negotiator, Sen. Chris Dodd, chairman of the Senate 
Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs Committee. But, he added, "The center of 
gravity is here temporarily. ... God forbid it's here any longer than it takes 
to get credit moving again." 

The plan would let Congress block half the money and force the president to 
jump through some hoops before using it all. The government could get at $250 
billion immediately, $100 billion more if the president certified it was 
necessary, and the last $350 billion with a separate certification -- and 
subject to a congressional resolution of disapproval. 

Still, the resolution could be vetoed by the president, meaning it would take 
extra-large congressional majorities to stop it. 

As Bush's team stepped up its efforts to corral reluctant Republicans, the 
White House released a letter from his budget chief, Jim Nussle, to Boehner 
saying the measure would cost taxpayers "considerably less" than its 
eye-popping $700 billion total. 

Lawmakers in both parties were poring over the 110-page bill. Democratic 
leaders have made it clear they will not support the rescue unless a 
substantial number of Republicans join them. 

"It will take two to make this work," said Rep. Rahm Emanuel, D-Ill. 

But it was a tough sell for lawmakers in both parties. 

Rep. Joe Barton, R-Texas, an opponent, estimated that half of the House's 199 
Republicans are "truly undecided." 

Lawmakers who struck a post-midnight deal on the plan with Treasury Secretary 
Henry Paulson predicted final congressional action might not come until 
Wednesday. 

The proposal is designed to end a vicious downward spiral that has battered all 
levels of the economy. Hundreds of billions of dollars in investments based on 
mortgages have soured and cramped banks' willingness to lend. 

"If we do not do this, the trauma, the chaos and the disruption to everyday 
Americans' lives will be overwhelming, and that's a price we can't afford to 
risk paying," Sen. Judd Gregg, the chief Senate Republican in the talks, told 
The Associated Press. 

Rep. Barney Frank of Massachusetts, the House Financial Services Committee 
chairman, predicted the measure would pass, though not by a large majority. 

"It's not a bill that any one of us would have written. It's a much better bill 
than we got. It's not as good as it should be," he said. 

A breakthrough came Saturday night, with the addition of a requirement sought 
by centrist Democrats and Republicans to ensure that the government be paid 
back by companies that got help. The president would have to tell Congress 
after five years how he planned to recoup the losses. 

Another key bargain -- this time to draw Republican support -- allows, but 
doesn't require, government to insure some bad home loans rather than buy them. 
That's designed to limit the amount of federal money used in the rescue. 

"This is something that all of us will swallow hard and go forward with," said 
Republican presidential nominee John McCain. 

His Democratic rival Barack Obama sought credit for taxpayer safeguards added 
to the initial proposal from the Bush administration. Later, at a rally in 
Detroit, Obama said, "it looks like we will pass that plan very soon." 

The rescue would only be open to companies who deny their executives "golden 
parachutes" and limit their pay packages. Firms that got the most help through 
the program -- $300 million or more -- would face steep taxes on any 
compensation for their top people over $500,000. 

The government would receive stock warrants in return for the bailout relief, 
giving taxpayers a chance to share in recipients' future profits. 

To help struggling homeowners, the plan would require the government to try 
renegotiating the bad mortgages it acquires with the aim of lowering borrowers' 
monthly payments so they can keep their homes. 

But Democrats surrendered other cherished goals: letting judges rewrite 
bankrupt homeowners' mortgages and steering any profits gained toward an 
affordable housing fund. 

It was Obama who first signaled Democrats were willing to give up some of their 
favorite proposals. He told reporters Wednesday that the bankruptcy measure was 
a priority, but that it "probably something that we shouldn't try to do in this 
piece of legislation." 

Frank negotiated much of the compromise in a marathon series of up-and-down 
meetings and phone calls with Paulson, Dodd, D-Conn., and key Republicans 
including Gregg and Blunt. 

Pelosi shepherded the discussions at key points, and cut a central deal 
Saturday night -- on companies paying back taxpayers for any losses -- that 
gave momentum to the final accord. 

An extraordinary week of talks unfolded after Paulson and Ben Bernanke, the 
Federal Reserve chairman, went to Congress 10 days ago with ominous warnings 
about a full-blown economic meltdown if lawmakers did not act quickly to infuse 
huge amounts of government money into a financial sector buckling under the 
weight of toxic debt. 

The negotiations were shaped by the political pressures of an intense campaign 
season in which voters' economic concerns figure prominently. They brought 
McCain and Obama to Washington for a White House meeting that yielded more 
discord and behind-the-scenes theatrics than progress, but increased the 
pressure on both sides to strike a bargain. 

Lawmakers in both parties who are facing re-election are loath to embrace a 
costly plan proposed by a deeply unpopular president that would benefit perhaps 
the most publicly detested of all: companies that got rich off bad bets that 
have caused economic pain for ordinary people. 

But many of them say the plan is vital to ensure their constituents don't pay 
for Wall Street's mistakes, in the form of unaffordable credit and major hits 
to investments they count on, like their pensions. 

Associated Press writer Laurie Kellman contributed to this report.



http://biz.yahoo.com/ap/080928/financial_meltdown.html

An economist is a man who states the obvious in terms of the incomprehensible. 
-- Alfred A. Knopf






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