>From: Solidariteitsgroep Turkije-Kurdistan
>
>What is Turkey's Hizbullah?
>Human Rights Watch: Backgrounder
>February 16, 2000
>
>In the early 1990s, when the Turkish government's conflict with Kurdish
>separatists was at its most fierce, a right-wing organization called
>"Hizbullah" began attacking suspected sympathizers of the Kurdish Workers'
>Party (PKK). Young assassins operated in broad daylight in the mainly
>Kurdish cities of southeast Turkey. People who opposed the government's
>policy were being killed at the rate of two a day; in all, more than a
>thousand people were killed in street shootings from 1992 to 1995.
>
>The government remained deaf to allegations that its security forces were
>colluding with Hizbullah. In April 1995, a parliamentary commission of
>investigation - under-equipped and complaining of official obstruction -
>produced findings which seemed to confirm the links, but no public action
>was taken on its report.
>
>Since then, little has been heard of Hizbullah until the operations which
>began on January 17 this year, when Huseyin Velioglu, recognized as leader
>of the bloodiest factions of Hizbullah called "Ilim," was killed in a police
>raid on a house in Istanbul. Since then, Turkish police have made hundreds
>of arrests during operations against Hizbullah "safe houses." They have
>found many mass graves inside the grounds of safe houses - the body count is
>currently 59 - and videos showing Hizbullah's victims being tortured and
>"executed". In recent months, Hizbullah appeared to be carrying out killings
>once again, but this time members of Kurdish religious charitable foundations
> were particularly targeted.
>
>Are the current operations against Hizbullah and the killing of its leader
>merely the disposal of a puppet organization which has reached the end of
>its useful life? Or is the Turkish government prepared to initiate a full
>investigation of the links between security forces and the Hizbullah? Human
>Rights Watch wrote on February 16, 2000 to the Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit
>detailing the evidence for such links and calling for an independent inquiry.
>
>The history:
>
>Hizbullah was a mainly urban phenomenon (in rural areas, hundreds of
>extrajudicial executions were carried out by gendarmes, village guards paid
>by the government, and "special teams"). It was an Islamic organization,
>although not linked to Hizbullah organizations in Iran or Lebanon, and was
>supposedly founded to overthrow the secular Turkish state. In practice, it
>repeatedly targeted people with a history of being harassed, detained,
>ill-treated, and tortured by the police.
>
>Hizbullah did not claim responsibility for any of the killings, but came to
>be associated with a particular style of assassination carried out in broad
>daylight, often by pairs of young assassins using pistols of Eastern
>European manufacture. It has emerged in the past few days that the
>governor's office of the city of Batman, where local officials claimed in
>1993 that the military provided training for Hizbullah, was importing
>weapons from Eastern Europe in the early 1990's, and that many of the
>weapons imported cannot be accounted for.
>
>Human Rights Watch first called for investigation of links between Hizbullah
>and the security forces in 1992. Fikri Saglar, who served as a government
>minister that year, expressed the view that "the founder, promoter and
>indeed user of Hizbullah in the southeast was the high command of the Armed
>Forces. Hizbullah was expanded and strengthened on the basis of a decision
>at the National Security Council in 1985, and some of them were even trained
>at security force headquarters..." (Interview in Siyah-Beyaz (Black and
>White) newspaper, quoted in Kod Adi: Hizbullah (Codename: Hizbullah), Faik
>Bulut and Mehmet Faraç; Ozan Publications, March 1999.)
>
>The Turkish authorities never investigated these allegations, opting to deny
>the existence of Hizbullah, and the current government remains impassive to
>allegations of collusion with Hizbullah. The Turkish military, however, has
>issued a sharp denial: "To link directly or indirectly the merciless murder
>network Hizbullah to the Turkish armed forces is a slander (without) sense
>or logic." (Written statement from office of Chief of General Staff.
>Reported in Reuter; January 24, 2000.)
>
>The evidence of links:
>
>On February 9, 2000, Cumhuriyet (Republic) reported that a high ranking
>Hizbullah member
>confessed in police custody to killing Ramazan Sat on behalf of the
>organization on July 2, 1992 "because he was PKK." Batman police, who also
>suspected Ramazan Sat of being a PKK member, had interrogated him under
>torture for twelve days the preceding March. Ramazan Sat used photographs of
>his injuries in order to bring a prosecution against a number of Batman
>police officers. Although torture was and still is widespread in Turkey,
>Ramazan Sat's case was unusual in that he had not only the courage to
>complain, but also the evidence to substantiate his complaint. A Hizbullah
>bullet ensured that he never lived to testify against his torturers.
>
>Investigating a connection between Hizbullah and Turkish security forces was
>dangerous in the early 1990s. Several representatives of publications which
>attempted to probe these links were killed. Halit Güngen, a reporter for the
>left-wing weekly journal, 2000'e Dogru (Toward 2000), was killed in the
>magazine's Diyarbakir office on February 18, 1992. Two days before, the
>journal had featured a cover story on Hizbullah and the police. Namik
>Taranci, the Diyarbakir representative of the weekly journal Gerçek
>(Reality), was shot dead on November 20, 1992 on his way to work in
>Diyarbakir. Again, the previous edition of the magazine had examined
>relations between the state and Hizbullah.
>
>Hafiz Akdemir, reporter for Özgür Gündem (Free Agenda), was shot dead in a
>Diyarbakir street on June 8, 1992, after reporting that a man who had given
>refuge to assassins fleeing a Hizbullah-style double killing in Silvan was
>released after only six weeks in custody, without even appearing in court. A
>gendarme officer was directly linked to political murder in Silvan, a known
>Hizbullah stronghold.
>
>Witnesses of Hizbullah killings frequently reported that the assassins were
>very young. In some cases the killers were recognized as people from very
>poor families. In a telephone conversation taped by Ankara police in 1992, a
>gendarmerie officer in Silvan was heard to press a seventeen-year-old boy to
>kill Mehmet Menge, a local left-wing politician. The boy had earlier been
>detained for suspected PKK membership, but was released in return for his
>promise to commit the crime. Threat of prosecution as a PKK member was
>combined with promises of rich rewards: "Pull the fuse on the grenade and
>throw it at him. Shoot him in the head no more than three times. Do not
>worry, we have arranged everything. We'll say terrorists killed him. Your
>money is ready." (From a transcript which appeared in Yeni Ülke (New Land)
>of 22 March 1992]. No reports of formal investigations or prosecutions
>ensued, while the Gendarmerie General Command, in a response to a
>parliamentary question of May 7, 1992, blandly stated that the commander in
>question had been "transferred to other duties."
>
>The official "investigations:"
>
>Belated police operations against Hizbullah often appeared to be carried out
>for show, rather than as a determined move against a dangerous illegal armed
>group. Initially, police did not move against the more ruthless Hizbullah
>Ilim group, which was the target of last month's operations, but against
>their rival, the Menzil faction, which was reportedly opposed to attacks on
>suspected PKK members. Several people reported to the press as "captured
>Hizbullah murderers" were later quietly released. The detainee announced in
>November 1992 by the State of Emergency Region Governor Ünal Erkan as "the
>Hizbollah militant ... who killed Halit Güngen" (reported in Turkish Human
>Rights Foundation bulletin, February 11, 2000), was remanded for a few
>months before being released. Similarly, three people initially said by
>authorities to have confessed to murdering the Kurdish parliamentary deputy
>Mehmet Sincar in Batman on 4 September 1993 on behalf of Hizbullah, were
>later acquitted for "lack of evidence." The authorities were inexplicably
>coy about their successes in combating Hizbullah, and declined to respond to
>Amnesty International's repeated requests for detailed information on
>prosecutions of alleged Hizbullah members (Amnesty International, Turkey:
>Unfulfilled Promise of Reform, September 1995).
>
>The Commission on Unsolved Murders of the Turkish Parliament revealed that a
>Hizbullah training camp had been operated with Turkish military assistance.
>This establishment of the Commission on Unsolved Murders of the Turkish
>Parliament was triggered in February 1993 by the killing of Ugur Mumcu, an
>Ankara reporter for Cumhuriyet and a key public figure, in January of that
>year. The Commission's authority was only later extended to cover the
>distinct pattern of political killings in the southeast. Its April 1995
>report documents how the ill-equipped and understaffed commission was
>plagued by official obstruction, and by an awareness that potential
>witnesses were being intimidated. Its findings were emphatic that the
>security forces were indeed giving succor to Hizbullah: "On July 27, 1993 at
>Batman Police Headquarters, the Chief of Batman Police and the
>Deputy Governor of Batman told the Commission that they had received
>information that there was a camp belonging to Hizbullah in the region of
>Seku, Gönüllü and Çiçekli villages, in the Gercüs district of Batman, and
>that military units in the area were giving assistance to this camp; that
>they had spoken to gendarmerie officials and that authorized military
>persons had told them that the militants of this organization had abused the
>relations in various ways, and for this reason they became disgusted with
>the organization and severed their links." (Report of the Commission of the
>Turkish Grand National Assembly for the Investigation of Unsolved Political
>Murders, p. 5). The General Headquarters of the Gendarmerie denied the
>existence of the camp. The commission's report goes on to describe the
>subsequent removal of the Chief of Batman Police from his post in the
>region, apparently for having testified frankly before the commission, and
>the inhibiting effect this had on other officials called to provide testimony.
>
>By March 1993 and the publication of its report Turkey: Killings Mount,
>Human Rights Watch had already repeatedly protested to the Turkish
>government about its failure to investigate the extraordinary number of
>political killings, including extrajudicial executions, that had been
>committed in southeast Turkey since 1991. On January 28, 2000, in connection
>with recent revelations of Hizbullah killings, the Turkish Daily News asked
>Mustafa Yilmaz, former parliamentary deputy and member of the above
>commission, what Turkey had lost because of its failure to respond to the
>warnings in the early 1990s about Hizbullah: "We can all see what has been
>lost: corpses are being dug out of mass graves, many lives have been lost."
>
>By action or omission, the Turkish state bears some responsibility for the
>slaughter committed by Hizbullah. In accord with the criteria contained in
>the United Nations Principles on the Effective Prevention and Investigation
>of Extra-Legal Arbitrary and Summary Executions, the evidence currently at
>hand should trigger such an investigation. Those principles also provide an
>excellent model for the way in which a thorough such investigation can be
>conducted.
>
>--
>Pressagency Ozgurluk.Org
>In solidarity with the Peoples Liberationstruggle in Turkey and
>Kurdistan http://www.ozgurluk.org
>DHKP-C: http://www.ozgurluk.org/dhkc
>
>


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