----- Original Message ----- From: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> To: <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>; <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> Sent: Friday, May 26, 2000 4:03 AM Subject: [STOPNATO] Official Albanian/USA/Soros Program for the dismemberment of Yugoslavia (PART I) STOP NATO: NO PASARAN! - HTTP://WWW.STOPNATO.COM Please read this entire text as it forms a precise definition of the major Albanian foreign policy objectives vis Yugoslavia mainly consisting of: 1) the independence of Kosovo, 2) the dissolution of Yugoslavia as a state, and 3) the independence of Montenegro. The drafting of this program enjoys the full support of the Soros Open Society Fund in Albania and was supervised by American and European diplomats... In a message dated 25/05/00 9:00:59 AM Pacific Daylight Time, [EMAIL PROTECTED] writes: << Subj: [balkans] Report: Stability Pact, Albanian Institute for International Studies Date: 25/05/00 9:00:59 AM Pacific Daylight Time From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Florian Bieber) To: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Albanian Institute for International Studies Rruga Pjeter Bogdani, No.10/a Tirana, Albania Tel/Fax: 355 42 488 53 E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] Stability Pact Perceptions and Realities Challenges for a Sustainable Peace Preliminary Report The International Symposium Stability Pact Perceptions and Realities Challenges for a sustainable Peace was organized by the Albanian Institute for International Studies, from 15-16 April 2000, in Tirana, with the sponsorship of the Open Society Foundation for Albania and the Albanian Foundation for Civil Society. The symposium was attended by scholars, analysts from important study and research centers and institutions, like the Albanian Institute for International Studies, the Institute for Economic Research (RIINVEST) Prishtina; the Institute of History in Prishtina; the Center for Promotion of Human Development (Tirana), The Albanian Center for Economic Research; the Institute for Contemporary Studies (Tirana); The Center for Economic and Social research (Tirana); the Center for Conflict Resolution (Tirana); Albanian Atlantic Association, University of Tirana, Institute of History (Tirana), representatives from the Albanian Government, Albanian Presidency, Albanian Parliament and various political parties, diplomats and representatives from foreign missions accredited in Tirana, etc. Also, a most valuable contribution in perspectives and opinions was made by outstanding international analysts and scholars like Janusz Bugajski, Director of the Institute for East Europe Studies at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington; by Dr. Daniel Nelson from the Marshall Center for European Security Studies, Germany; Dr. Elez Biberaj from the Voice of America, etc. The contribution made by H.E. Michel Peretti, Ambassador of the European Commission, and the discussion by H.E. Joseph Limpreht, Ambassador of the USA in Tirana, addressed the key questions under consideration at the symposium. The International Symposium was part of a project carried out by the Albanian Institute for International Studies. The aim of the Symposium was to assess matters of security, democracy and economic reforms under the Stability Pact; to identify the challenges, priorities and ways of implementation; to evaluate progress under the Stability Pact. Discussions and contributions centered around perceptions, hopes and realities, as well as on chances that the initiative creates for Southeastern Europe, Albania, in particular, and the increased involvement of local actors and constant empowerment of local policies. Developments in Kosova, problems faced by local stakeholders and the international community in their effort to build peace in the country, were also part of the Symposium's deliberations. The Institute acknowledges and appreciates the support of the Open Society Foundation for Albania and of the Albanian Foundation for Civil Society, which were vital to the projects success. Following is a preliminary report of the discussions, suggestions made and conclusions drawn. Comments about this report should be addressed to the Albanian Institute for International Studies, Rruga Pjeter Bogdani, No.10/a, Tirana, Albania. Tel/Fax: +355 42 488 53 ; E-mail: [EMAIL PROTECTED] I. STABILITY PACT: PERCEPTIONS AND REALITIES The debate at the International Symposium in Tirana focused on the Stability Pact as an effort by the International Community, but also by the countries themselves, to pull the Southeastern part of Europe out the crises, economic backwardness and lack of democracy. The main problem in the Balkans, as identified by the international community, is the weakness of state institutions, which results in the incapacity of these countries to absorb financial assistance towards the successful implementation of reforms. Deformation of democracy and democratic institutions, corruption and organized crime were identified as the main sources of the weakness of the states in the region. Without creating domestic stability, the countries of the region have nothing to offer to one another in the process of reconstruction. Rather, they threaten one-another with the spillover of instability. The aim of the Stability Pact specifically is to redress these issues towards the long-term objective of turning the southeastern part of the European continent into a security community of states. But this is not something that can be achieved without the serious involvement of the local actors and unless they proceed with the implementation of sound reforms in the field of democracy and market economy. In the period following the creation of the Stability Pact, the countries have demonstrated insufficient capacities in these areas. Albanian scholars and Albanian representatives from the state institutions brought into the Symposium an Albanian viewpoint with regard to the Stability Pact and the role to be played by governments to attain the objectives of the Pact. A good part of the debate at the Symposium centered on the non-realistic perceptions provoked at the early start of the initiative in Albania and the entire region, in general. The Stability Pact was largely understood as increased funding that the community of donors was to pour into the region. Politician and the media were especially zealous to spread this kind of perception as a means to boost internal politics. This erroneous presentation of the Stability Pact is harmful because, in the first place, it distracts attention from the serious issues facing every country, such as economic, political and social, by spreading false hopes. The disillusionment that usually follows is so de-capacitating that kills incentive to change within the existing context of things. Rather than supplementary resources, the Stability Pact will be offering a different funding strategy from the one we have seen so far. It requires clearly established objectives and priorities and suitable mechanisms for resource allocation. An instance of the unrealistic perceptions of the Stability Pact, but also of the erroneous comparing of conditions of post World War II in Europe with the present reality in the Balkans, is the identification of the Pact with the Marshall Plan. The Marshall Plan differs from the Stability Pact in two major aspects: the degree of the US involvement in post war Europe and the capacity of the countries of Western Europe to handle the assistance as against the engagement of the International Community in today's Balkans and the capacity of the countries of the region to implement the required reforms. The Stability Pact was further seen as a process that was going to boost rapidly and directly the living standard in the countries of the region. In fact, the Pact can not be but a gradual process. Neither the power of the donors, nor the capacity of the receiving countries provides any premise for fast-pace progress. In the event of the Stability Pact being successful, it will serve as a powerful catalyst towards rapid transformational processes. The peoples of the region, mainly the governments of these countries, view EU membership as a means in its self that is going to bring progress. Rather, they should concentrate on the progress that the countries themselves ought to make in the field of democracy, security and economic development as the only way to join the family of European nations in order to make integration effective. On the other side, the European Union should realize that the Balkans require a different approach from the conventional schemes of expansion and the stereotype of contractual agreements applied so far. In the present stage of development, the Stability Pact has naturally turned into a challenge and a matter of credibility for the donor countries and especially for the countries of the region. As regards the EU, the success of the initiative would represent the first concrete demonstration that it is capable of formulating and pursuing a common and long-term policy. As regards the countries of the region, the challenge consists in their capacity to capture the historical momentum and to place themselves in the mainstream of modern developments. The Balkans need to embark on a new movement of vigorous and radical change in the societies of the countries, in the culture and political lifestyles, in the state and societal institutions, in their economies, education, in every field of life. Problems related to regional cooperation: Regional governments orient their efforts almost exclusively towards Brussels and very little towards each other. Regional cooperation is one of the main objectives of the Stability Pact. Up until now this has been, rather, a clear requirement set by the EU and the USA, than a serious commitment by the Governments in the Balkans. Presently, the West is demonstrating high levels of political and diplomatic concern with the region. However, it should be made clear that traditional geopolitical interests do not prompt this concern on the part of both the EU and the USA. Moreover, none of the countries of the region is in the focus of such interests. The entire region enjoys the same status. This is to be clearly realized by the countries of the region in order for them to promote policies leading towards increased co-operation and integration. Although regional co-operation is a basic component of the Stability Pact it is, in more cases than not, being simply conceived as economic cooperation. This one-sidedness of the cooperation is mostly felt in the proposals initiated by the Balkan governments, but also in the Stability Pact Tables. Economic exchanges are, beyond any doubt, very important, but however, not sufficient. They can not make up for poor political and cultural communication. What is needed is the creation of an all dimensional climate of mutual trust. Albania in the Stability Pact: Albania is caught in the midst of a turbulence of a anarchic political reality that is demonstrated by a prolonged economic and democratic stagnation, marked by politicized institutions, high rates of corruption and organized crime. Other symptoms characterizing this condition are: diminution of the authority of public institutions, irresponsibility of state officials vis a vis the public, decline of the capacities to draft and develop long-term policies; informal institutions having the upper hand over formal and legal institutions, regulatory institutions of the society playing only a meager role; decline of the credibility of the political class in general which is further reflected in the dissuasion and lack of confidence on the part of this class to cope with the reforms that further push them to call on the presence of the international factor as a way out. Further diagnostication of the condition includes the creation of the protectorate psychosis, immobilization of the country's human and material resources, over-reliance on foreign assitance, etc. The period from the establishment of contacts with international funding institutions and the conclusion of agreements of economic cooperation with certain countries has surfaced a number of problems, the bulk of which relate to the low level of expertise in the institutions, the incapacity of the administration to facilitate the absorption of foreign aid, the sometimes incomplete and sometimes ambiguous legislation framework. Albania's economic challenges to the Stability pact: A number of challenges from the perspective of democracy and the market economy face Albania, the Albanian society and the country's institutions. Building democracy starts with holding free and fair elections. But, whereas even in developed countries the holding of free and fair elections alone is not sufficient for the functioning of democracy, elections and electoral processes are the first indispensable and irreplaceable step. Upcoming elections in Albania will represent a major test for the future of political processes and economic development in the country. On the other side, main challenges facing Albania remain the acceleration of economic, legal and institutional reforms especially in the field of civil service, the judiciary, privatization of the strategic sectors. Further tasks facing the country include combating corruption and organized crime by increasing participation and involvement of the business community, the civil society and the media as means to attract foreign capital in the national economy, to effectively mobilize internal resources and as a result fight poverty and polarization of the society. Poverty is the real challenge. Without reducing poverty levels, reforms will always be contested by a broad social basis and will easily be manipulated to produce adverse effects. Corridor No. 8, and the accessory systems attached to it, offer real opportunities for Albania's long term development. The realization of the importance of this corridor, the seriousness of purpose for its materialization, timely preparation of projects to implement it and securing of adequate levels of financing are some of the duties facing primarily the official institutions of the Albanian state, but also other stakeholders... II. CHALLENGES FOR A DURABLE PEACE IN KOSOVA As regards this issue, the symposium centered on the present situation in Kosova, the challenges and issues to be coped with, the measures and approaches necessary, indeed, indispensable, as dictated by the real life situation. NATO-s considerable presence in the region and particularly in Kosova is providing an umbrella of security that is enabling the country to undergo a smooth transition to democracy. Also this presence is creating a favorable ground for grappling with the regional issues and the successful implementation of projects contributing to stability in the region. The installation of temporary international administration of UNMIK has been a rather slow process, which has consequently given rise to a legal and institutional vacuum. The result has been the mushrooming of negative phenomena that are rendering difficult the stabilization of the country. The main causes contributing to this situation are: the traditional bureaucracy of the UNO structures; insufficient funding by the international community which is falling short of its promises; the inadequacy of the involvement of the local political actors and an undefined status for Kosova. Building security in Kosova is tied to the building of democracy. Kosovar institutions, within the limits ascribed to them, are faced with important challenges such as ensuring co-existence in the country. The Albanian factor of Kosova has reflected its readiness to co-operate with the international factor deployed in the province. The undefined status of Kosova is conceived as the main hindrance towards the achievement of durable stability. The definition of its status is left to be determined after the fulfillment of certain pre-requisites that have to do with the reinstatement of democracy and the establishment of a stable and tolerant society. In fact, the definition of its final status has been turned into a prerequisite and priority condition for Kosovas democratization and stabilization. Independent Kosova will continue to be administered and protected internationally. This step would de-legitimize Belgrades continuous provocations by avoiding in this way the main source of destabilization; would clarify the ultimate objective of Kosovas progress and would enable the gradual transition of governance from UNMIK to the Kosovar institutions, parallel to progress in the consolidation of democracy, the rule of law, respect for human and minority rights in Kosova. Kosova is coping with Millohevicis efforts to destabilize the province and discredit the international mission. Keeping Mitrovica divided along ethnic lines means keeping alive the potential threat of the explosion of an inter-ethnic conflict of grave consequences. The steps taken hitherto have not yielded the desired results, due to the fact that the initial assessment of the situation was guided solely by considerations of the inter-ethnic intolerance. To be taken note of, is the present stand adopted by the International Community that the division of Mitrovica reflects the Serb intention for Kosovas division and that the cause of the crisis is Miloshevic himself and the paramilitary Serb forces deployed in the area. The serious situation in Kosova reflects Belgrades intention to monopolize de facto Kosovas natural resources and Milloshevicis political strategy to release a new conflict to lengthen his stay in power. In this context, Kosovas independence would invalidate Miloshevicis destabilizing scenarios. The issue of thousands of Albanian prisoners kept in Serbian jails is considered to be one of the open wounds of post war Kosova. Without healing this wound, peace will remain in jeopardy. From the international perspective of the situation, the issue of prisoners has been left out of the Kumanova Agreement. The heretofore efforts, mainly through international humanitarian organizations and non-official channels, have met with no result. The resolution of this issue would represent a positive development not only in the framework of human rights, but more directly, in relaxing inter-ethnic tensions in Kosova. Stopping acts of violence stands for another imperative in today's Kosova reality. Despite improvements from the end of the war, still, there are acts of violence especially due to the absence of the rule of law, the presence and continuous provocations from the paramilitary Serbian forces in Kosova and revenge released on the part of the Albanians. The Kosovar political forces have forcefully condemned violence. They plead that violence should be stopped, otherwise it will continue to be an inhibitor to the country's stability, as it will also harm efforts towards Kosova's independence. International community has been very critical of the phenomenon and has drawn attention that it adversely affects international support for Kosova. Meantime, the Albanians that have sometimes mounted into distortions and manipulations of realities should point out. Steps that have to be taken to reduce violence unquestionably have to do with strengthening of law and order in Kosova by staffing the international civilian police to the promised quotas, by speeding up the process of preparation of the local police and throwing out of Kosova the remainders of the Serbian paramilitary forces. The situation would be considerably improved if justice were to be done by bringing war criminals before the Hague Tribunal. On longer terms, violence will gradually subside as Kosova develops economically. The symposium concluded that inter-ethnic co-existence in Kosova should be an all-round and all-dimensional process and Albanians should be committed to co-existence as part of a greater and bigger commitment to democracy and prosperity. Stopping ethnic cleansing of the Albanians from Presheva, Bujanovci and Medvegja is an imperative to attain security, which would constitute a positive investment towards the restraining and avoidance of extremist tendencies. Problems in Kosova and regional security today and in the future in the symposium were viewed closely linked with the future of Yugoslavia and the Belgrade's political landscape. Balkan stability and Yugoslavia's existence are in direct contradiction. The relations between Montenegro and Serbia were viewed in the process of deteriorating. The winter witnessed escalated pressure from Belgrade, economically through sanctions and border blockade, politically and militarily through the paramilitary force parallel to the Yugoslav second army contingent inside Montenegro. The prospects for democracy and civil society in Serbia look dim. Serbian political and cultural elites still harbor visions of grandeur and believe that their little country is an important player in world stage. Much of the opposition also remains afflicted with this ultimately self-destructive Serbocentrism and an arrogant sense of national uniqueness. Much of the opposition still refuses to accept Serbias primary responsibility for genocide in Croatia, Bosnia, and Kosova. Serbia is more likely to undergo violent turmoil than a peaceful transformation The bigger the territory of Yugoslavia the more opportunities there are for Belgrades mischief-making. Needed is a clear focus on the dismemberment of Milosevics Yugoslavia into three more viable states by supporting independence and statehood for Kosova, Montenegro, and Serbia. Relations between Tirana and Prishtina were another of the aspects of this segment of the symposium. The greatest contribution that Tirana can make to Kosova, is to guarantee security, stability and progress of economic political and institutional reforms in Albania. In this way, Albania will no longer be an element requiring the constant attention of the international community. It will, rather, be an active player to solve problems in the region. A consolidated and democratic Albanian state provides strong moral and practical support for Kosova. On top of Albania's foreign policy agenda should be concrete support for Kosova to be represented in and draw financing from the Stability Pact. Also, the opening of a consular office in Prishtina, following the example of many of the European countries, resolution of the Mitrovica issue and of the issue of the Albanians kept in Serbian jails should get equal attention from the Albanian state and government. If relations between Tirana and Prishtina are placed on the grounds of a true partnership, free from the mentality of patronage that has oftenly been sustained on ideological grounds, the political factor in Kosova will be better encouraged in practical terms to consolidate itself and gain representation in international fora with the ultimate aim of translating its objectives into realities. ______________________________________________________________________ To unsubscribe, write to [EMAIL PROTECTED] Start Your Own FREE Email List at http://www.listbot.com/links/joinlb
