>From: "dhkc" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> > >DETUDAK (Committee for Solidarity with the Revolutionary Prisoners in >Turkey) speech for September 23 event at Camden Centre, Town Hall, Judd >Street, London WC1H 9JE. (Starting 5:30, admission three pounds). >DETUDAK unites the supporters of a number of revolutionary organisations in >and from Turkey. > >Dear friends, >The 21st century is being declared to be the century of "bourgeois > democracy", but when we look at the military coups, the hunger, the growing >poverty, the refugee crises, environmental disasters, arms races, injustices >in the distribution of income and so on, these show how false this statement >is. Whoever says all these things can be resolved within a democratic >framework is engaging in bourgeois propaganda. Fascism is continuing in >Turkey and countries like it. Imperialism's collaborators and governments >are trying to change their image, but in fact imperialism has always >continued to finance and support them no matter what they do. Because of >that, under conditions of fascism, resolving problems is only possible by >carrying out revolution. Our current government, which is the most >collaborationist government in our country's history, is very quick to >remove anything that might cause anxiety to the American imperialists. As >soon as the DSP-MHP-ANAP (Democratic Left Party-Nationalist Movement >Party-Motherland Party: in other words, a "left-wing" party, a far-right >party and a liberal-conservative party) coalition came to power, they >adopted all the laws that imperialism considered necessary. They gave >imperialism the message, "You can trust us." The banks and social security >reforms were very quickly processed through parliament. >Friends, >Looking at this framework, it is not easy to see how Turkey's domestic >situation is to take shape in the next period. Because domestic conditions >and the policies of the oligarchy are mostly shaped by external forces. The >situation in our country and also the prospects for the future cannot be >correctly determined because of mistakes in establishing what the current >world situation is. Well, what is the current world situation? The new world >order of imperialism doesn't mean eternal peace and the triumph of >democracy. Everyone knows this now. These theories lost their credibility >and influence at the beginning of the 1990s. Among some bourgeois ideologues >and also among the left, there are still some who defend such views. But the >defenders of these theories are put in a difficult position following the >attacks on Iraq and Yugoslavia, as well as the instigation of nationalism in >other parts of the world. In this world, international laws, democracy and >people's rights are not making progress, instead imperialism is engaging in >wild pillaging. The cold war has ended, they say. If the cold war has really >ended, is your arms expenditure spent on justice and equality? Injustice and >inequality have deepened. So here all the theories regarding the new world >order have collapsed. It is known that imperialism is worried and anxious >about this century. We saw that very openly at the imperialists' Istanbul >AGIT summit, in Seattle and in Davos. Their fears are growing. So they apply >more pressure and terror. All the imperialist institutions indicate that >unjust income distribution all over the world is worsening, but they do >nothing to remedy this. On the contrary, the gap between rich and poor is >growing because of the ambitions of the monopolies. Especially in >imperialist countries, all the laws against terrorism are being >strengthened. There is no reason to think that these countries can export >democracy to other countries. The aim of establishing the European Union was >to create a stronger internal market in Europe and to resist American and >Japanese imperialism. What can Turkey derive from this? Nothing will come >from the European Union to Turkey, but Turkey is going to be offered to the >EU monopolies as an open market. The USA and the European Community, by >accepting Turkey's application as a candidate country, want to control the >other countries on Turkey's borders and be able to exploit these countries. >The imperialists and their collaborators are trying to remove the potential >for revolution in Turkey. The results of such operations have been known >from the beginning. They are doomed to failure. Economically and >politically, Turkey's rulers have no power to destroy the revolutionary >movements. This country has so many contradictions, and despite the pressure >and harassment it is still continuing to create revolutionaries. But the >revolution is going to be more powerful. Analysis of the conditions in our >country and the world show that this is the reality. >When you look at our countries, since being accepted into the European >Community and the Hizbullah operations, the election to the state presidency >and the "hope" operations have caused complications in peoples' minds. >"Where are we going?" The answer to this question, economically and >politically and with regard to military developments, can be seen clearly in >day-to-day events. But the direction by American imperialism with the >support of European imperialism, and the subjective preferences of >intellectuals can also obscure such things. >Governments at the uppermost level organise prison massacres. The parliament >supports such massacres by remaining silent or conducting enquiries which >are just for show, so how can we say that such a country is democratic? >Who would believe that there is any democracy even if one only looked at the >Ulucanlar events and saw the behaviour of the state and its institutions as >well as the attitude of imperialism and international institutions. TUSIAD >(Employers' and manufacturers' confederation in Turkey) talked about >abolishing capital punishment, it pretended to be defending huamn rights but >after the Ulucanlar massacre it did not even say one word. Europe did not >want to see Ulucanlar, though when it wants it will devote enormous >attention to even one incidence of torture. Imperialism's professional >servants will ask questions about everything in a particular country, from >the economy to human rights, but they did not ask the state a single >question about Ulucanlar. But all these things are still not enough to open >the eyes of some people. These people are blind and their brains have ceased >to function. We say to them, you cannot flee from the reality of Turkey, if >you try to escape from it these facts are going to follow you in the form of >our people who were raped, and others who will come after you, bringing >their coffins with them. In this case, before they come to you bearing their >coffins, you cannot say, we didn't believe it, you must see this reality and >frame policies that deal with it. Those who are honest about the >revolutionary struggle have to listen to revolutionaries. Saying that the >policy of putting prisoners in isolation is a matter of implementing >European standards cannot be acceptable. Because all the European bourgeois >democracies still use the laws of Hitler and Mussolini against >revolutionaries. They are widening their system "of democracy" for >opposition movements which are not against the system, but against >revolutionary alternatives they are using more and more repression as >fascist regimes did previously. Did you say no the IMF? Did you want >independence from imperialism? Did you want democracy as opposed to fascism? >Did you take part in the struggle for right and freedom? Did you want your >rights? Did you say no to YOK (the Higher Education Council in Turkey, which >politically controls the education system there)? Did you say "go away" to >Eurogold (a gold prospecting firm which is damaging the environment in >Turkey)? Did you say no to nuclear power? In short, one way or another, if >you oppose the Susurluk-fascist state in Turkey, your road will definitely >take you to the F-type prisons. >"No to the IMF": IMF's soldiers answer this. "Give up your resistance! >Surrender!" People who say no to the IMF have only beliefs and hopes. Those >who say surrender have tanks and guns and shells. There are two sides to >this. On the one side, IMF's soldiers, on the other, the people and their >leaders. Attacks are taking place in order to benefit the IMF and >imperialism, and to establish the security of the monopolies. Resistance is >based on the revolutionary struggle. The revolutionaries know that the cells >are part of the operations to make them surrender. That is why it is not >enough to say "no to the IMF". We must also say "no to the cells", because >they are connected. The shape and meaning of this resistance is saying no to >the cells and taking action against them. The captives already say, we are >not going into the cells, we are going to resist. They are going to do what >they say, there can be no doubt of that. The servants of the IMF cannot put >any of them into the cells without killing them through assassinations or >massacres. They have already showed their will during the Unlimited Hunger >Strike and the Death Fast of 1996. They said they would rather die than live >without honour, and that is what they did. Instead of surrendering at >Ulucanlar, they said, we are going to resist with our honour, and they did. >Today, with the same will, they said we will not go into the cells. Today >the prisons are located physically and morally at the focal point of the >struggle for revolution and counter-revolution. The importance of the cells' >physical structure is secondary. From September 12, 1980 to 1987, during the >military coup, the cell-type prisons were used from time to time. Bursa, >Gaziantep, Eskisehir, Sagmalcilar special-type prisons were already built as >cell-type prisons and opened. The revolutionaries lived in these cells for >many years. But cell-type practices did not take so long. After a time they >gained the right to leave the cells and then the prisons became >dormitory-type structures. In past years, the conditions in prisons were >relatively better because of gains achieved by prisoners' struggles. But >today, these events take on a completely different meaning outside the >prisons. >The problem with cell-type prisons is not an architectural problem, it is a >political one. >The contra-guerrilla state always creates excuses to enforce its will. The >provocation in Burdur Prison (July 2000) is the latest example of that. On >Wednesday July 5 at eight o'clock, they asked the revolutionary captives, >"Will you go to court?" That question means in Burdur Prison, "Are you >coming voluntarily to be tortured?" This is the reality in our prisons. >Centrally they decided to carry out a provocation at Burdur. Once this >decision was made, it was very obvious that they would attack the prisoners. >Yesterday they used as an excuse the dormitory problems in Ulucanlar, today >the excuse for attacking them is that they didn't want to go to court. The >problem was not that they did not want to go to court, but the prisoners >wanted to put a stop to torture. Today's attacks are basically the >continuation of the attacks started in 1996. The Susurluk state had to >retreat in the face of legendary resistance. But obviously they have not >abandoned the policy of the cell-type prisons. The oligarchy used this time >for preparation. That preparation is based on the construction of cell-type >prisons and trying to legitimise them in the eyes of public opinion. They >said there was no money for workers and civil servants, but they spent >trillions of lira on building cell-type prisons. This shows us how important >the cell-type prisons are for the system. That is why we have to correctly >understand the truth about the prisons. The prisons problem will not be >resolved with one act of resistance. The prisons themselves will continue to >be a problem. Because this is a war of wills. As long as one side does not >give up, it will continue all the way to revolution. >The rulers will continue their policies to bring about surrender based on >the diverse conditions that exist. This could be prison uniforms, forcing >prisoners to sing the national anthem or the cells. >The 1996 hunger strike was a political triumph over the enemy. Some rights >were gained. But the revolutionaries did not think for a moment that the >attacks would not resume. The line of heroism which started with the 1996 >hunger strike and Ulucanlar will repel new attacks. The people of Turkey can >trust the Free Captives forever. They are going to turn the cells into bombs >which will explode in the brains of the fascists. Everyone must be sure of >that. Because those who are legitimate and right cannot be destroyed or made >to surrender at any point in history. >What happens in future will be based on facts such as these. >Revolutionaries had their arms cut off in Burdur, but their brains continue >to function. >If we look at past revolutionary history, at the end of the 19th century >there were expectations of revolutions in European countries, but these >hopes were transferred to the countries of the east. Revolution will >definitely take place here or there. And it happened in 1917. The oppressed >gained power in Russia. The peoples had to wait 25 years to see another >revolution. East European countries, then the Chinese revolution changed the >world. It was a very difficult revolution in China. Imperialists and local >collaborators spilled an incredible amount of blood to stop the revolution. >But the peoples triumphed. To stop Vietnam's revolution America used the >whole of its armies but could not succeed. The world was shaken by >revolutions. In the 1970s Africa awoke. National independence movements in >Africa, revolutionary movements in Latin America. From the Middle East to >the Far East, revolution was everywhere. Seventy years of the 20th century >were progressive years for national and social liberation struggles. The >1980s and 1990s were reactionary. The reason for reaction was not the >success of imperialism but imperialism and the oligarchy were helpless. >Reactionary uprisings in the countries which had had revolutions caused the >collapse of the socialist system. Socialist governments collapsed, >capitalist restoration began. This development affected negatively all those >who were fighting for revolutions in their own countries. Some of them sat >down at the peace table, some of them abandoned the armed struggle and >resumed legal forms of struggle. This period was one in which imperialism >made progress. but it did not last as long as they hoped. But today we can >say everything is changing in the opposite direction. Yet there are no >revolutions that can shake imperialism, but the rulers could not dominate >countries as they thought they would. People's movements grew on the basis >of economic, democratic, cultural, political and environmental demands. All >dynamics show that will grow more and more. When imperialism announced in >these years that it had triumphed, the people who did not accept its victory >and did not deviate from their aim in the slightest would rise even higher. >We briefly explained developments. The rulers are going to become weaker >economically and politically, crises will deepen. >To play the role of sub-contractor for imperialism can provide some >short-term benefits, but that is all. To be a sub-contractor in the Caucasus >will narrow the oligarchy's room for manoeuvre and restrict the state's >legitimacy. The state's anti-national characteristics are going to be more >clearly exposed. The fascist authorities in Turkey rely on imperialism. To >continue their power, imperialism is the only thing they can rely on. This >is the reason the governments are in the service of imperialist monopolies. >But the imperialism the fascist authorities trust lives in fear. Under the >philosophy of globalisation, growing injustices in income distribution in >most countries between classes continue. Imperialism sees rebellion as a >possibility and they are trying to achieve stability in their neo-colonies. >This stability is not going to last because every step they take for >stability brings with it instability. When they have no way out, they will >want more from their collaborators. The arms race in Turkey is the result of >this. Complete reliance on imperialism makes the oligarchy feel safe. But >still they cannot escape from new political and economic crisis. Little >things can come to Turkey from the Caucasus, but they cannot establish >economic and political stability. To be a sub-contractor may force you to >take part in military interventions, whatever benefits may be derived from >it. New and bigger crises are inevitable. Whereas the role of Turkey >enforced by the imperialists is going to bring about more rapid political >collapse and as a result it will help the revolution develop. The >governments are implementing this. All the system parties are purely >collaborators with this. The army's claims to oppose the plans of the USA >are rubbish, or a new way of being in their service. They have no objection >to the role of sub-contractor. >Revolutionary politics means declaring Turkey's unlucky role as a >collaborator and slaughterer in the Middle East, Balkans and the Caucasus. >Our real aim is to bring down this government of imperialist collaborators. >Because in Turkey's front, the best thing is to establish good relations >with neighbouring peoples and not to be used as a base against neighbouring >countries. We have to stop our children from being used as soldiers in the >Caucasus to make people enemies of one another. >The revolution against the rulers of the new world order's "crumbs of >democracy" >On the one hand, the bourgeoisie was screaming, "Socialism is dead," on the >other it was opening a channel for demands for freedom, independence, >democracy and justice. This channel was explained as being about peace, >dialogue and agreement. Imperialism was going to establish peace, dialogue >and agreement through its interference. The interference of imperialism and >its crumbs of democracy were enough to remove some obstacles. It is not even >worth discussing whether something can be democratic when it is interference >from imperialism. What will happen? What does imperialism say to >neo-colonial dictatorships? Is there anything else than the appearance of a >few rights, so far? There is no need to repeat revolutionary theory about >war and peace. Revolutionaries drew a very clear line many years ago. We are >not going to give up our honour for peace. The existence of imperialism >means destroying all the honour of colonial countries on a daily basis. The >existence of exploitation tramples on human honour every day. That means as >long as imperialism is present there can be no peace. We will continue the >war. >Wouldn't reforms be allowed? They would. But we have much more on our mind. >A good reformist can do some management of people's living conditions. But >this cannot be revolution, as Che said. Revolution is sacrifice, war, to >believe in the future and have trust in it. Revolution has to climb over >childish reform programmes. Reforms are by-products of revolutions. If not, >we are not dying for reforms, we are not fighting for reforms. Our fight in >our country and the world is to create more essential changes. >Dear friends and working people, we are optimistic, because: >Look at the framework of the world. Is there any reason in this framework to >be hopeless or without revolutionary morale? Of course not. Every detail of >that framework has revolutionary anger and belief in victory. There are two >reasons to be optimistic about revolution in the 21st century. On the one >hand, diagnosis of the world and the condition of Turkey. That diagnosis >shows us that imperialism and the oligarchy cannot escape from the crisis >they are in, they cannot give anything to the people, the period of time >under the control of imperialism and the collaborators will continue with >more exploitation, more repression. Imperialism cannot stop this epoch of >revolutions and also its fascist government cannot remove Turkey's potential >for revolution. Imperialism produces unsolved problems. Imperialism cannot >run the economy based on the arms trade. Recently on the world's stock >markets, information technology and computer shares have gone up a lot, but >this does not change the basic character of the capitalist system and they >do not solve capitalism's problems. Imperialist competition is not over. The >establishment of the EU and the announcement that the USA is the boss of the >world have not ended the contradictions, indeed they have deepened. And as >long the anti-imperialist struggle of the world's workers develops, and >revolutions narrow the room for manoeuvre of the imperialists, these >contradictions will inevitably deepen further. Up to today, all the >intervention by the new world order created unsolved problems, for example, >Iraq and Kosovo. They had to confess that they could not solve them. There >is nothing else imperialism can do against resistance to its new world >order. >On the other side of our optimism, our self-confidence, decisiveness, trust >in ourselves and our Marxist-Leninist ideology that we are right and we are >defending what is good, morality and justice, and if we have all this, how >is it possible not to trust ourselves. >This need all over the world and everywhere in Turkey still remains. This >old world which was made more ugly by imperialism with every passing day, >will only be cleaned up by revolution. The oligarchy can make plans for >cells, plans to destroy, but revolutionaries cannot be finished off by >massacres. Fighters for justice, quality and freedom can never be finished >off. The people's demand for justice, equality and freedom continues >everywhere in the world and these people see that the fight cannot be ended >and revolution will not be prevented in this world. Revolutions will live >and the struggle will continue. >Friends, >This development increases our hope and decisiveness. Let us ask these >questions once more. Has the crisis of imperialism ended? Has the wild >character of capitalism changed? In our country or the world, the >distribution of income become more equal? Has justice come to our country or >to the world? Has democracy come to Turkey? If all the questions asked >receive the reply, "No," revolutions will continue. Imperialism is preparing >itself against rebellions, the rulers try to destroy the revolutionary >organizations, they try to make people unorganised, that means the war will >develop, ideas of becoming soft or looking for theories about peace will >before long end up in the rubbish bin. Socialism will exert influence as a >pole of attraction for the peoples, revolution will connect people together. >The guerrillas and villagers start to become as one in the Sierra Maestra. >This communal life is not a miracle but an answer to important needs. Those >who fought to get rid of the tyrants and who saw the light of freedom and >hope, when they connect with the peoples, that means revolution. >That's why we trust ourselves. Our opponents stand for filth and have >nothing to give the people, economically, politically or culturally, they >are stealing from the people's pocket, taking away their rights, freedom and >culture. Who can win, in the struggle between these two powers? Sooner or >later, what has right on its side will win, victory will be ours, the >working peoples. >Down with imperialism and it collaborators! >Long live the brotherhood and sisterhood of the peoples! >Long live international solidarity! > > > _______________________________________________________ KOMINFORM P.O. Box 66 00841 Helsinki - Finland +358-40-7177941, fax +358-9-7591081 e-mail [EMAIL PROTECTED] http://www.kominf.pp.fi _______________________________________________________ Kominform list for general information. Subscribe/unsubscribe messages to [EMAIL PROTECTED] Anti-Imperialism list for anti-imperialist news. Subscribe/unsubscribe messages: [EMAIL PROTECTED] [EMAIL PROTECTED] _______________________________________________________
