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From: [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Rick Rozoff)


[What one would expect from the NYT. "With the Americans here, I am sure
that many new jobs are going to be created..." No doubt. Chief among
them being prostitutes, drug dealers, paramilitaries, morticians,
autopsists, grave diggers, grave robbers and so forth. But Sikorsky,
United Technologies and assorted arms merchants will have a field day.]

New York Times
December 31, 2000

As U.S. Military Settles In, Some in Ecuador Have Doubts
By LARRY ROHTER
ANTA, Ecuador, Dec. 29 — United States Navy P-3 reconnaissance planes
are parked at the airfield on the outskirts of town, the Pentagon is
spending $62 million to expand and improve runways and hangars, and
American military personnel are already mingling easily with their local
counterparts. But Jorge Zambrano, mayor of this port city of 250,000
residents, would rather not call the project that promises to transform
his city an American "base."
"It's an advance post for combatting narco-trafficking," he said firmly
in an interview, and as such very welcome. "We don't feel we are being
invaded by the Americans here. It's as if someone has come along and
offered to build us a second story on our house for free, so of course
we are going to say `go right ahead.´ "
However you describe it, the flights that leave here daily have already
become an important element in the United States' efforts to halt drug
trafficking.
With the conflict in neighboring Colombia worsening and the American
commitment there growing, a new foothold so close to the theater of
action will "improve our response time and enhance our ability to detect
and monitor flows of cocaine and heroin," Gen. Barry R. McCaffrey, the
White House drug czar, said in an interview earlier this year.
The work here, which includes construction of living quarters for 200
American military and civilian contract personnel, is scheduled for
completion late in 2001. Then the "forward operating location," as it is
called, will be able to provide round- the-clock tracking of activity in
Colombia and neighboring countries through a pair of Awacs surveillance
planes, among America's most sophisticated, and tankers to refuel them
in the air.
The major coca-growing areas of Putumayo and Caquetá are just a few
minutes' flight time north of here, but the planes will also be able to
monitor air and marine activity well into the Caribbean.
Until last year, such missions were flown out of Howard Air Force Base
in Panama. But when the United States and Panama failed to agree on use
of the base after the United States handed over the Panama Canal a year
ago, the Pentagon and State Department were forced to shop for
alternatives.
Two smaller outposts in the Dutch colonies of Aruba and Curaçao in the
Caribbean were quickly found, and Jamil Mahuad, then Ecuador's
president, agreed to a 10-year deal in November 1999 calling for an
upgrading of the existing Ecuadorean Air Force base here. But two months
later he was overthrown in a military coup, and complaints and
challenges to the base are yet to be resolved.
Officially, the American presence here is merely a counternarcotics
observation post and has nothing to do with Colombia's war against
leftist guerrillas or with Plan Colombia, the $1.3 billion American aid
plan for Colombia. But since the guerrillas earn money and arms from
drug trafficking, that distinction seems increasingly unconvincing to
Ecuadoreans worried about getting dragged into the conflict.
"This base is a provocation to all of the irregular forces in Colombia,"
Antonio Posso, an influential leftist member of Congress, said in an
interview in Quito, the capital. "Our oil pipeline has already been
attacked by Colombian guerrillas, and the paramilitary groups are
killing people on Ecuadorean territory, so just imagine how a military
installation like this acts as an enticement."
But the "agreement for cooperation" between the United States and
Ecuador specifically states that the base here shall be used "for the
sole and exclusive purpose of supporting aerial detection, monitoring,
tracking and control of illegal narcotics trafficking." And Mr. Zambrano
and other Ecuadorean supporters of the project argue that since trouble
is likely to be coming anyway, it is in their country's interest to be
prepared and have some American protection.
"The nature of the conflict in Colombia and the way it is moving
southward are such that they are going to provoke a spillover whether
the American detachment is here or not," said Col. José Bohorquez, the
Ecuadorean commander of the air base here. "It is the result of
geography and the situation in Colombia, not of the American presence,
and we should be clear about that."
Though the United States is paying the entire cost of expanding the
existing base and will rely to a large extent on the local economy for
labor, supplies and equipment, the agreement does not require Washington
to pay rent or local taxes during the period of the agreement. But this
is a country burdened with $13 billion in foreign debt and a poverty
rate that has doubled in the past three years, and many people had hoped
for more generous terms.
As a result, the popular perception in many parts of Ecuador is that the
base "was given away in exchange for nothing during a moment of economic
pressure," said Adrián Bonilla, a researcher for the Latin American
Faculty for Social Sciences in Quito. "Mahuad assumed that the United
States would help him get an accord on the foreign debt as a sort of
payback, and agreed to give Manta away without a real process of
negotiation."
Since the document the two governments signed is an agreement and not a
treaty, the government was able to press ahead on the project without a
vote in Congress. But a challenge to the legality of the accord has been
taken to Ecuador's highest court, and Ecuador's Congress is also
clamoring for a look.
"This agreement needs to be reviewed, and it will be reviewed," Mr.
Posso vowed. "Until Congress has approved this measure, it is simply not
valid, and approval will depend on whether or not Congress judges the
conditions to be beneficial to the Ecuadorean nation. We are all against
narcotics trafficking, but if this gets us involved in the war against
the Colombian guerrillas, then things get complicated for us."
Opposition to the base seems especially pronounced in Guayaquil, the
country's largest city and commercial center, but for reasons that
appear to have more to do with business than politics. Guayaquil has
long enjoyed a monopoly on air shipments of bananas, flowers and fish,
which a second Pacific Coast international airport here would surely
challenge.
Trying to be sensitive to Ecuadorean concerns about sovereignty,
American military officials have adopted a policy of what they call
"minimizing our footprint." When they are off base they dress in
civilian clothes, and they have eagerly plunged into community life here
with programs to train firefighters, paint schools and churches and
coach basketball teams.
A group calling itself the Marxist- Leninist Communist Party of Ecuador
has posted graffiti demanding that "warmongering Yankees get out of
Manta." But for the most part, residents here, from shoeshine boys up to
the business elite, seem to welcome the American presence, or at least
the dollars that have begun to be injected into the local economy.
"With the Americans here, I am certain that many new jobs are going to
be created and lots of money will be spent," predicted Margarita
Macías Farfán , a shop clerk. "We already see them in the
restaurants and hotels, and we hope that many more of them will come and
invest here so that our lives improve."


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