IRAQ SANCTIONS MONITOR Number 217
Monday/Tuesday, February 26/27 2001
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The Monitor is published each weekday by the Mariam Appeal
www.mariamappeal.com
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FOR THE LATEST NEWS ON IRAQ AND THE MIDDLE EAST
CHECK  www.orientmagazine.co.uk EACH DAY
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CALL FOR AN END TO SANCTIONS AGAINST IRAQ
To commemorate 10th anniversary of ending of the Gulf War
 
24-HOUR, WEEK-LONG PICKET OUTSIDE THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS
 
Thursday 22nd to Wednesday 28th February 2001
 
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IF YOU LIVE IN LONDON OR NEARBY, MAKE SURE YOU ATTEND THE RALLY AND MEETING
AT 7.30PM ON WEDNESDAY EVENING IN THE GRAND COMMITTEE ROOM OF THE HOUSE OF
COMMONS. AMONG THE SPEAKERS WILL BE JOURNALIST JOHN PILGER AND MPS TONY BENN
AND GEORGE GALLOWAY.....PLEASE BE THERE!!!!!!!

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China ready to investigate U.S. charges on Iraq.

BEIJING, Feb 27 (Reuters) - China said on Tuesday it was ready to
investigate U.S. complaints its workers might have helped Iraq
rebuild its air defences.
It was the clearest public indication by Beijing that the Chinese
government was seeking to defuse a problem that threatened a rocky
start to its relations with the new U.S. administration of President
George W. Bush.

A Foreign Ministry spokeswoman again insisted China respected U.N.
resolutions on Iraq and had rules that forced Chinese companies to
comply.
But in response to a question at a news conference, Zhang Qiyue
added: "Regarding the situation raised by the U.S. side, China can
conduct an investigation."
Bush indicated last Friday China was backing away from its original
angry reactions to the U.S. allegations, saying Beijing had promised
that if the charges were true it would 'remedy' the situation.

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U.S. Is Ready To Loosen Iraq Sanctions.
By Neil King Jr.
Powell Says Proposals Would Let Iraq Buy Wide Range of Goods

DAMASCUS, Syria - Secretary of State Colin Powell ended his Middle
East tour confident that the time has come to radically revamp the
decade-old economic sanctions on Iraq.

After conferring for three days with Arab leaders, Mr. Powell said
the U.S. is prepared to promote a substantial loosening of economic
sanctions on Iraq so long as the international community commits to
measures that will cut off Baghdad's access to weapons materials and
tighten controls over its oil revenue. The secretary cautioned,
however, that President Bush has yet to decide on the new approach
and that the U.S. must still confer with many other countries.

It's a strategy fraught with political risk, but the secretary
insisted that unless the U.S. moves to focus the sanctions on their
core purpose - keeping Iraq militarily weak - it could see Iraqi
leader Saddam Hussein slip free of them altogether. The new stance on
Iraq is sure to draw fire from conservatives in Congress. Mr. Bush
himself repeatedly criticized the Clinton administration during the
campaign for allowing the sanctions regime to weaken.

Speaking to reporters on his way to Brussels, Mr. Powell sketched out
proposals whereby the U.S. would let Iraq buy a wide range of
products that Washington has blocked for years fearing they would
bolster its military. Under the sanctions, Iraq is allowed to import
goods only with approval of a U.N. committee, which also controls
most of Iraq's oil revenue. The U.S., through its position on the
committee, is now standing in the way of about 1,600 private
contracts valued at more than $3 billion for products ranging from
chemical components to telecom equipment.

Other U.S. officials said Washington is ready to discuss revamping
the list of products that the U.N. prohibits or restricts for sale to
Iraq, in part to deflect criticism that sanctions have punished the
Iraqi people. U.N. restrictions routinely hold up sales of goods such
as water pumps and refrigeration trucks that are needed for civilian
use, but might also form part of a chemical or biological weapons
complex.

It's unclear how the administration would draw the fine line between
clear military products and dual-use items such as chemicals, which
are also used for everyday purposes.

In exchange for loosening import restrictions, Mr. Powell said the
U.S. wants improved controls at Iraq's borders so the U.N. can more
closely monitor what enters the country. This will require close
cooperation from "frontline states" such as Jordan and Syria, he
said. If economies suffer as a result of reduced black-market trade,
the U.S. might consider economic aid to make up the difference, he
added.

Mr. Powell said the U.S. will also push for countries to reaffirm
their commitment to prohibit the trade in goods that might help Iraq
build chemical, biological and nuclear weapons. A new sanctions
regime, he said, will depend entirely on creating a "unified stance"
among Arab countries and within the U.N. Security Council.

At the same time, the U.S. wants countries to crack down on oil
smuggling that now earns Iraq an estimated $2 million a day. On that
front, Mr. Powell won a rare concession from Syria during discussions
in Damascus yesterday with President Bashir Assad. Syria reopened an
oil pipeline from Iraq late last year and has since pumped an
estimated 150,000 barrels a day outside of the U.N.'s oil-for-food
program. Mr. Powell said President Assad promised to bring the oil
sales under U.N. auspices.

In all, Mr. Powell said he found "solid support" for a revamped Iraqi
sanctions policy on his visits to five Arab capitals. "Not a single
leader said, `You're going down the wrong path,' " he said. From
Cairo to Kuwait City, Arab leaders told Mr. Powell that the harsh
economic sanctions had given Saddam Hussein leverage both over his
own people and over world opinion.

After his return to Washington today, Mr. Powell plans to brief
President Bush on the trip before the U.S. begins what could be long
negotiations with countries such as Britain, France, Russia and
China, the last three of whom have long criticized Washington's hard-
line stance toward Baghdad. U.S. officials said they hope to make
progress on the issue before an Arab League summit in late March.

(Agencies)

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Annan cautious but optimistic on Iraqi flexibility.

UNITED NATIONS, Feb 27 (Reuters) - Iraq and the United Nations may
have opened a new chapter in talks aimed at ending the deadlock over
10-year old sanctions, with Secretary-General Kofi Annan hopeful
Baghdad was moving to end the status quo.
Despite harsh words from Iraqi officials, Annan said he believed
Baghdad's delegation on Tuesday would seek ways to move forward on a
series of tough negotiations before U.N. arms inspectors could return
to Iraq, a key demand toward ending the embargoes.

"The spirit has been good and I think that, from the indications they
have given, they also are anxious to find a way of breaking the
impasse," Annan said.
Expectations are low that the two-days of high-level talks that began
on Monday would yield any concrete results. But some U.N. Security
Council diplomats deemed them positive if Iraq considered the talks
the beginning of a dialogue, rather than a one-shot session.

And the leader of Iraq's delegation, Foreign Minister Mohammed Saeed
al-Sahaf, told reporters: "After this round, I think we will have a
series of rounds."
Annan also pointed to what he called an "important and healthy shift"
stemming from discussions in capitals of Security Council members on
what to do next.
He referred specifically to a review of Iraqi policy by the new U.S.
administration of President George W. Bush.

"For a long time the attitude has been 'This is our policy, this is
the way we do things,'" Annan said. "But I think recently we have put
on the table that critical question - 'What should we be doing?'"

Nevertheless, Annan said he expected no "miracles" after Iraqi
officials spent hours on Monday detailing what al-Sahaf called
Baghdad's grievances over the past 10 years.
Al-Sahaf, in his public comments, which appeared harsher than those
made to Annan, continued a barrage of criticism against "Anglo-
American hegemony" in the 15-nation U.N. Security Council and the
unfairness of the sanctions.

He ruled out allowing inspectors to return to Iraq even if the
sanctions were scrapped. If they did, he said, they had to visit all
countries in the region and "first Israel because they have atomic
arsenals and all other arsenals."

"There will be no return for any inspectors to Iraq - even if the
sanctions are totally lifted," al-Sahaf said.

A key condition for lifting the embargoes, imposed when Iraq invaded
Kuwait in August 1990, is allowing arms inspectors to check on Iraq's
weapons of mass destruction.

Iraq has refused to let the arms experts back into the country since
December 1998. They left on the eve of a U.S.-British bombing raid to
punish Baghdad for what they called its failure to cooperate with
weapons searches.

For the United Nations, Annan will have little to negotiate until the
Security Council agrees on a common position. France, Russia and
China want an immediate suspension of the sanctions, while the United
States and Britain are conducting a review of their policies.

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell, who has heard sharp criticism
of U.S. policy during his Middle East tour, said on Monday he wanted
to let in more civilian supplies to Iraq but tighten controls on
military items.

The United States has blocked close to $3 billion worth of goods to
Iraq in the Security Council's sanctions committee, including
electricity grids, water pumps and telecommunications, on grounds the
military could benefit.

Western diplomats believe Washington has undercut its arguments on
humanitarian supplies by the "holds" it has put on 1,600 contracts
for Iraq, an action criticized frequently by Annan and other U.N.
officials.

Asked about "smart sanctions" targeting the Iraqi leadership rather
than civilians, al-Sahaf said: "They call it the smart sanctions.
Well, that means the sanctions from 1990 up to now are stupid ones."

__________________________________________________________________

POWELL SAYS ARAB LEADERS AGREE WITH PLAN TO RESTRUCTURE IRAQ
SANCTIONS. 

BRUSSELS, Belgium - At the end of his Middle East tour, Secretary of
State Colin Powell said he had won agreement from Arab states to
restructure sanctions on Iraq, so that opposition to U.S. policy in
the region would dwindle but that the effect of the sanctions on
Saddam Hussein would increase.

Powell said that none of the Arab leaders he met with in the past
three days, including the Syrian leader, Bassir Assad, whom he met on
Monday, disagreed with his strategy. "They all said we should go down
the track," Powell said. But he said there were some in Washington
who would argue that his outline of a plan to ease sanctions on
civilian Iraqis but tighten military sanctions on Hussein, the Iraqi
leader, was "giving up too much."

He suggested that there would be lively debate after he returned to
Washington on Tuesday night, and seemed to be suggesting that hard-
liners, both in Congress and in the Bush administration, would want
tougher action, including the arming of Iraqi opposition groups, in
an attempt to overthrow Hussein.

Powell, speaking to reporters as he flew from Damascus, Syria, to
Brussels late Monday, seemed to be setting up a test of his own
strength in the administration's foreign policy apparatus, which
includes Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld, Vice President Dick
Cheney and the national security adviser, Condoleeza Rice. Rumsfeld
and Cheney are believed to be more favorably disposed to arming the
opposition groups. Rumsfeld's newly nominated deputy, Paul Wolf, has
publicly advocated that policy.
There are others in the administration who agree, believing that the
unfinished business of the Gulf War that was won 10 years ago should
be completed by the ouster of Saddam. At ceremonies in Kuwait City
Monday, former President Bush, Gen. Norman Schwartzkopf, Powell and
others involved then commemorated the victory of the coalition forces
against the Iraqi invasion of Kuwait.

Powell spent his three days in the Middle East soliciting support for
his sanctions plan, which he said would tighten restrictions on the
Iraqis so that they would not be able to arm themselves with weapons
of mass destruction.
As part of his new strategy, Powell said he had won agreement from
Assad to place revenues that Saddam was receiving from oil flowing
through Syrian pipelines into a U.N. escrow account. In the past few
months, these revenues have been going directly into Saddam's pockets.

The commitment from the Syrian was so firm - it was repeated three
times by Assad during the meeting, Powell said - that Powell said he
telephoned President Bush to tell him.

In another development in Syria, Powell said that Assad had agreed to
a U.S. suggestion that peace talks between Syria and Israel could
proceed on a parallel track with Palestinian-Israeli talks, if the
occasion arose. Talks between Israel and Syria broke down last year
under the Clinton administration, which held to the notion that it
was possible only to conduct one track of peace talks at a time.

In outlining his plan, Powell said, a lot still needed to be worked
out before an Arab League summit meeting late next month in Amman,
Jordan, where he said he would like to forge a formal consensus. He
also wanted to take the plan to Kofi Annan, the U.N. secretary-
general, and the five permanent members of the Security Council. Two
of them, Russia and France, have taken the lead in softening
sanctions against the Iraqi leader.
 
Source: THE NEW YORK TIMES NEWS SERVICE

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Russia welcomes UN-hosted talks on Iraq.

Source: Interfax news agency, Moscow, in English 0840 gmt 26 Feb 01
 
Moscow, 26 February: Moscow expects the New York negotiations between
Iraq and the UN secretary-general, which began on Monday [26
February], to open the way for a settlement of the Iraqi issue.
Russia "regards as important the political dialogue" between Baghdad
and the United Nations, sources in the Russian Foreign Ministry told
Interfax on Monday [26 February].
"The process, which started with the active assistance of Russia, has
considerable potential for a settlement of the Iraqi problem," the
sources said.
"Moscow is sure that the situation concerning Iraq can only be
settled politically on the basis of UN Security Council's
resolutions," they said.

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Iraq protests to UN over US-UK air sorties.

Source: Republic of Iraq Radio, Baghdad, in Arabic 1500 gmt 25 Feb 01
 
Iraq has reiterated categorical rejection of the so-called no-fly
zones, which were unilaterally and illegally imposed by the US
administration and Britain. Iraq also rejects baseless pretexts used
by these countries to justify their aggression against Iraq.
This came in two letters sent by Tariq Aziz, deputy prime minister
and acting foreign minister, to the UN secretary-general and Security
Council president on combat air sorties carried out by US-British
aircraft over Iraq from 16 until 22 February. The planes, which took
off from their bases in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait and Turkey, carried out
209 air sorties, of which 97 air sorties were from Saudi Arabia, 58
from Kuwait and 54 from Turkey.

________________________________________________________

Liberal Democrat in call for review of sanctions on Iraq.

THe Liberal Democrats' foreign affairs spokesman yesterday called for
a change of policy from Britain and the US after the recent bombing
of air defence installations near Baghdad.

Menzies Campbell MP backed containment of Saddam Hussein based on the
threat of military action if necessary, but with sanctions covering
only military material and equipment which could have a dual use.

John Swinney, the SNP leader, has already voiced "enormous concerns"
about the allied air strikes which, according to Iraqi claims, killed
three people and injured 25.
In a newspaper interview, Mr Swinney, while condemning Saddam
Hussein's regime, said he did not understand how bombing would be
part of an effective solution.
He came under attack from Robin Cook, the foreign secretary, who said
his remarks would encourage Saddam Hussein and do nothing to help the
people of Iraq.

Mr Swinney's predecessor Alex Salmond used tougher language in 1999
when he condemned bombing by Nato in Kosovo as "unpardonable folly".

Speaking on Scottish Television's Seven Days programme, Mr Campbell
said the SNP leader was wrong if he was suggesting we should not take
steps to protect our aircrew.

However, he went on: "He certainly has a point if he is arguing that
the use of military force should only be seen in the context of
clear, political and strategic objectives."
The North-east Fife MP said the difficulty was that, at the moment,
there were no such clear strategic and political objectives for the
policy.

It was right to protect aircrew, who were in danger flying over Iraq,
but the much more fundamental question was why they were still there
and if their presence was in any way part of a long term policy.

Mr Campbell said it was ordinary that people in Iraq who had suffered
from sanctions which had also handed Saddam Hussein an enormous
propaganda
advantage.

If non-military sanctions were lifted that would leave us with "a
perfectly rational policy", Mr Campbell claimed.

An SNP spokesman said Mr Swinney had simply been voicing "legitimate
concerns" which were shared by many governments, including France and
Germany and leaders in the Middle East.

Mr Swinney had questioned whether the present policy was likely to
lead to the ending of Saddam Hussein's regime and the installation of
a democratic government in Iraq, he said.

Dennis Canavan, the independent MSP, has put down a parliamentary
motion condemning the bombing raids.

(The Herald)

_____________________________________________________

No UN arms inspectors even if sanctions gone.

UNITED NATIONS, Feb 26 (Reuters) - Unrelenting, Iraq's foreign
minister said on Monday U.N. arms inspectors would be barred from his
country even if 10-year-old U.N. trade sanctions were abolished.

Mohammed Saeed al-Sahaf told reporters, after a crucial morning
meeting with U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan, that no inspectors
would return to Iraq. And if they did, they had to visit all
countries in the region and "first Israel because they have atomic
arsenals and all other arsenals."

"There will be no return for any inspectors to Iraq - even if the
sanctions are totally lifted," al-Sahaf said.

He spoke after the opening session between his high-level delegation
and U.N. officials on ways to break the impasse on decade-old trade
sanctions, linked to allowing the U.N. arms monitors into Iraq after
a two-year hiatus.

Disarmament issues were on the agenda for Monday morning and
humanitarian concerns in the afternoon. Any unfinished business will
be taken up on Tuesday during the first attempt in years to move
beyond the status quo.

Al-Sahaf said Baghdad had fulfilled all Security Council requirements
and "that means an immediate lift of sanctions," imposed in August
1990 when Baghdad's troops invaded Kuwait.

Iraq has refused to allow weapons inspectors back into the country
since December 1998, when the United States and Britain conducted a
four-day bombing raid to punish Baghdad for failing to cooperate with
searches for forbidden weapons.
Asked what the Iraqi team had brought to the table, he said there
were no new proposals. Instead, he said the Iraqis had submitted
detailed reports proving Iraq had no weapons of mass destruction.
 
Annan, shortly before the two-day talks started on Monday, said he
did not "expect miracles" but was encouraged by various governments
reevaluating their policies.
Although expectations were low for the two-day sessions, Annan said
there was an "important and healthy shift" which stemmed from
discussions in capitals of Security Council members on what to do
next, including a review by the U.S. administration of its Iraq
policy.

"For a long time the attitude has been 'This is our policy, this is
the way we do things,'" Annan said. "But I think recently we have put
on the table that critical question - 'What should we be doing?'" he
said.

No one expects the talks to produce an early agreement on issues that
have eluded a divided 15-nation Security Council - especially
allowing arms inspectors to verify Iraq no longer has any dangerous
arms.

"I am encouraged the Iraqi delegation is here," Annan said. "I hope
we can find some ways as we move forward of breaking the current
impasse, which no one finds satisfactory."

"I do not expect miracles in the two days of talks but at least it is
a beginning," he said.
For the United Nations, Annan will have little to negotiate until the
Security Council agrees on a common position. France, Russia and
China all want an immediate suspension of the sanctions, while the
United States and Britain are conducting a review of their policies.

For a start, some U.S. officials said this could include releasing
some of the 1,600 contracts from Iraq, worth close to $3 billion,
that the United States has frozen over the past few years. They
include mainly infrastructure repairs.
 
Western diplomats said it was crucial that Washington and London find
common ground with France, a European Community member. They said the
meetings would be considered a small success if Iraq acknowledged
they were the beginning of a dialogue, rather than a one-shot session.

Annan too said he hoped the two days of talks would be a prelude to
further discussions. He noted there had been considerable progress
made in the last decade in ridding Iraq of nuclear arms and long-
range ballistic missiles.

But he said there was work to be done in the biological and chemical
weapons areas and only inspectors could judge how much, "once they
have been able to get back into Iraq."

U.S. Secretary of State Colin Powell is in the Middle East trying to
convince moderate Arab leaders to rebuild the now-frayed alliance
against Iraqi President Saddam Hussein.
But most have lost interest in sanctions, are critical of repeated
U.S. and British attacks on Iraqi air defenses and are worried that
Israeli-Palestinian violence will enhance Saddam's prestige.

_______________________________________________________________

Medical team leaves for Amman to treat wounded Palestinians.
 
Excerpt from report by Iraqi radio on 26 February

The sixth Iraqi medical team left for Amman today to treat the
wounded of the blessed Al-Aqsa intifadah at Jordanian hospitals. Dr
Zuhayr Sa'id Abd-al-Salam, senior undersecretary at the Health
Ministry, who bade the team farewell, told INA that the team includes
medical staff specialized in general surgery, the central nervous
system, bones, fractures, anesthetization and internal diseases...

_____________________________________________________________

Iraq builds chemical weapons system 'capable of hitting European
cities'. 

Iraq has been systematically cheating international controls to build
up an arsenal of chemical weapons and a missile system capable of
hitting targets in Europe.
New details of the programme were leaked at the weekend by the German
Federal Intelligence Service, which is becoming one of the main
conduits of information about President Saddam Hussein's war plans.

The German intelligence agency Bundesnachrichtendienst (BND)
identifies two alarming developments. First, Iraq has managed to
manufacture solid rocket fuel in one of its factories. It is actively
producing ammonium perchlorate at the al-Mamoun plant. The chemical
is one of three components needed to make solid fuel. Secondly, it is
attaching precision guidance technology to short-range al-Samoud
missiles, which are modelled on Russian-designed Scuds. These are
capable of hitting Israel. The BND says that there are clear signs
that Iraq is pressing on with plans to develop, by 2005, a missile
with a range of 1,870 miles, putting many European targets within
range.
As far as the BND is concerned, the most immediate problem is the
rebuilding of an Iraqi chemical and biological arms industry. Even if
Iraq cannot quickly go nuclear - or is prevented from doing so -
biochemical weapons can be produced quickly, cheaply and discreetly.
Once a medium-range missile system has been put together, Iraq will
be able to wreak havoc by firing anthrax bacteria at, for example, a
south German town. For targets close to Baghdad, such as Israel or
Turkey, a Nato member, the threat is even more urgent.

The equipment for the al-Mamoun factory was bought by a Delhi company
known as NEC Limited, German intelligence says. This company is on
the German Economics Ministry's blacklist of businesses involved in
arms proliferation.

Already the factory can manufacture banned chemical substances. Since
the departure of UN inspectors, the BND says, the number of known
chemical production projects in Iraq has risen to 80, with almost a
quarter of them specifically working on weapons production. Indian
companies have been active at all levels of this rearmament.
Rudolf Scharping, the German Defence Minister, who is visiting Delhi,
is believed to have raised his concern with Indian ministers and
generals. Germany hopes to be able to monitor more closely Indian
military activities by setting up a formal line of communication
between the Indian general staff and their German counterparts.
The disclosure that German companies were equipping a Libyan poison-
gas factory caused embarrassment some years ago and drew the anger of
the United States. This time the BND is determined to trace and
expose all the middle men acting on Baghdad's behalf.

____________________________________________________

US faces uphill task to rebuild Gulf coalition.

General Colin Powell, the US Secretary of State, arrived in Kuwait
last night determined to shore up the crumbling coalition against
Iraq, which the Bush Administration has declared to be its top
priority in the Middle East.
Joining other Gulf War veterans, including the former President Bush
and General Norman Schwartzkopf, the former Commander of US Forces,
General Powell, who at the time was Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of
Staff, was left in no doubt about the size of the task before him.

>From what began as a coalition of more than 30 countries stretching
from Australia to Argentina and including most of Nato and the main
powers in the Arab world, support for the containment of President
Saddam Hussein has shrunk to a handful of nations under pressure to
free Baghdad from its international isolation.

The extent of the problem was evident in Kuwait yesterday when
supporters of the emirate, which was invaded by Iraqi forces in
August 1990 and brutally occupied until February 1991, put on a show
of strength in a live-fire exercise in the desert. RAF Tornados, part
of a squadron stationed in Kuwait, bombed targets and some of the
4,500 US troops based here took on an imaginary Iraqi foe alongside
Kuwaiti forces, substantially rebuilt since the war.

If the display in front of spectators was supposed to act as a
deterrent to Kuwait's menacing northern neighbour, which only a few
weeks ago referred to this country as one of its provinces, it may
have had the opposite effect. Instead of showing strength, it exposed
the extent of Kuwait's lack of support among its former friends and
neighbours.
France and Russia, once active coalition members, kept a low profile
yesterday. More disturbingly for Kuwait's role in the region, Egypt,
Syria and Saudi Arabia, which all played important parts in fighting
the Baghdad regime, have put their policies in reverse. Cairo and
Damascus, in particular, have rebuilt their ties with Saddam and have
been lobbying openly for United Nations sanctions against Iraq to be
lifted.

President Bashar al-Assad, the new Syrian leader, has re-established
friendly ties with Baghdad for the first time in decades. Damascus is
suspected of being one of the main smuggling routes for Iraqi oil
bypassing the international sanctions regime, a subject that will be
raised forcefully by General Powell when he visits Syria tomorrow.
There is even a feeling that the Kuwaitis themselves are
uncomfortable about relying so heavily on the US and Britain for
their security at the cost of their relationship with the Arab world.
Although British airmen risk their lives every day to patrol the
southern no-fly zone over Iraq, their presence here is highly
sensitive. Journalists are barred from visiting the squadron.

"We have lost the propaganda war with Saddam," a British diplomat
said. "The perception today is that the UN sanctions are responsible
for the deaths of children in Iraq. No one remembers that we are
dealing with a dangerous dictator who is determined to rebuild his
weapons of mass destruction and is a serious threat to his
neighbours."

As a result, the US and Britain are hoping to redefine their policies
with a propaganda counter-offensive setting out the dangers that Iraq
still poses and its attempts to rebuild its military capability.
General Powell wants to implement "smart sanctions" that target the
regime's leadership and its access to weapons but ends the delays,
often bureaucratic, that frequently prevent the distribution of
medicine and food to Iraq.

Nevertheless, the job of persuading the Arab world to sign up to a
new more forceful policy against Baghdad, while putting the
Palestinian question to one side, will be difficult. With the
exception of Kuwait, most Arab states seem to be ready to consign the
Gulf War to history and to give Saddam another chance.
(c) Times Newspapers Ltd, 2001.

__________________________________________________________

Iraq ready to settle all its problems with Kuwait.

Baghdad is ready to "bury in oblivion" and to settle all the
remaining problems with Kuwait, Speaker of the National Council
(Parliament) of Iraq Saadun Hammadi stated on Monday, addressing a
news conference in Abu Dhabi, where a session of the Arab
Parliamentary Union is currently under way.
"We are ready to start a dialogue with Kuwait in order to normalise
our relations as desired by our Arab brothers," Hammadi stressed. The
parliament speaker noted that the visit paid by U.S. Secretary of
State Colin Powell to the Middle East on the eve of the Arab summit
in Amman was intended to prevent the Arabs from rallying around Iraq.
In the meantime, Hammadi noted, most Arab nations want the
international blockade of Iraq to be lifted.

According to reports received here from Baghdad, a spokesman for the
Iraqi government said that the demonstrative manoeuvres, staged last
night with the participation of U.S. troops in a Kuwait district
bordering on Iraq, was a dangerous provocation. It was spearheaded
against regional peace and stability, the spokesman stressed.
kli/gor.

(c) ITAR-TASS 2001.
_______________________________________________________

The United States fiddles while the Middle East peace process burns.
By Robert Fisk.

As the wreckage of Oslo rusts away, the once-viable alternatives are
slowly being dismissed'

IN THE Middle East, Palestinians and Israelis are fighting a civil
war. And what does the United States do? It bombs Iraq. As the brutal
Israeli-Palestinian conflict further infuriates the Arab world, what
does Secretary of State Colin Powell do? He arrives in the Middle
East - wait for it - to "re-energise" sanctions against Iraq and re-
forge the anti-Iraqi coalition that ceased to exist more than a
decade ago. There's a story - perhaps apocryphal - that as the Red
Army stormed into Berlin in 1945, German civil servants were still
trying to calculate the Third Reich's paperclip ration for 1946. Mr
Powell is now the paperclip man.

So it's relevant to ask some simple questions. Do the Americans
realise the catastrophe that is about to overwhelm the region? Have
they any idea of the elemental forces that may be unleashed in the
coming months? Is Washington still so obsessed with "World Terror
Inc" that it can forget the tragedy that is unfolding in the Middle
East? Does Mr Powell really think his job is to restate - as he did
yesterday - America's "rock solid" commitment to Israel.

Mr Powell has wisely abandoned that hoary old phrase, the "peace
process". But he has apparently no idea what to put in its place. And
what he was really confronting in the region at the weekend was a
Middle East in which all the familiar "peace" keys have been thrown
away. The Palestinian Authority is penniless and "ruling" - if such a
word still applies - over anarchy. The Israelis have elected a prime
minister who is regarded throughout the Arab world as a war criminal
and who now demands an end to the "intifada" uprising which he
himself provoked by marching to one of Islam's holiest shrines with
an escort of a thousand policemen.

Israel wants security without a peace agreement. The Palestinians
want an end to the very real Israeli occupation which the Israelis
themselves refuse to admit exists. So what does Mr Powell do? He
heads off to Yasser Arafat with a warning from Ehud Barak that if
he "doesn't change his behaviour, he'd pay a price". Mr Powell has
only been in office a few weeks and he's already carrying Israeli
threats to an Arab leader.

But it's getting more serious than that. For there is occurring in
the Middle East today a new and unprecedented phenomenon: the Arabs
are no longer afraid. The regimes are as timid as ever but the Arabs
as a people - brutalised and crushed over decades by corrupt
dictators - are no longer running away. In Syria, the intellectuals
are continuing their democratic debates despite threats from the
state security apparatus. In Bahrain, the opposition are returning
from exile to build a new and potentially democratic country.
In "Palestine" - and we'd better keep the quotation marks there - the
Palestinians no longer run away. They go on fighting and killing and
dying. The old Sharon policy - of beating the Arabs till they come to
heel - is now as bankrupt as the Palestinian Authority that is
supposed to be controlling them.

And as the wreckage of the Oslo Agreement rusts away, the once-viable
alternatives are slowly being dismissed. For years, critics of the
Oslo Agreement pointed to the undeniable UN Security Council
Resolution 242 which demands a withdrawal of Israeli forces from the
territories occupied in 1967 (the West Bank, Gaza, the Golan and east
Jerusalem) in return for the security of all states in the area,
including Israel. Oslo allowed Israel to renegotiate 242, to give
back some occupied land but keep other territory for itself; which is
why Oslo failed and why, ultimately, the second "intifada" broke out.
Amid the carnage, Arafat began talking again about 242; so did Hanan
Ashrawi and other sane Palestinians.

But now even this alternative is losing its appeal. More and more
among Palestinians, you hear the words that so frighten Israelis;
that they would like "all" of Palestine, not just the lands taken by
Israel in 1967. In Gaza last autumn, I actually encountered this
transition in progress. A Palestinian computer trainee began by
telling me that 242 was the only path to peace. But by the end of his
increasingly angry peroration, he began talking about Haifa and Acre
and Ashkelon, cities which are in Israel, not in the
notional "Palestine" which Arafat was prepared to accept.

Similarly, the "right of return". Throughout the seven years of Oslo
negotiations, the "right" of the three-and-a-half million Palestinian
refugees to return to their ancestral lands in what is now Israel was
kept out of the debate. This, we were told, would be discussed in
final status negotiations. The Palestinians suspected that the
Israelis - and the Americans - intended to throw away this "right" at
the end of the Oslo talks. And that, of course, is exactly what
happened. You can see why the Israelis refused; three-and-a-half
million more Palestinians living inside Israel would mean the
effective end of the Jewish state. But for the Palestinians, the
brisk shrugging off of this "sacred" right (enshrined in a General
Assembly but not a binding Security Council resolution) was a
grotesque trick. And now that Oslo has collapsed, the "right" of
return has become more real, more palpable, more serious - however
unachievable in practice.

You can see this process at work along the Lebanese-Israeli frontier.
Just last month, I sat watching a Palestinian refugee family from
Sidon as they picnicked on the Lebanese side of the frontier. It was
a balmy, soft day of brilliant sunshine and the mother and father and
their children - their family driven from Galilee in 1948 - never
took their eyes off the beautiful, wooded hills on the other side of
the frontier wire. Since the end of Israel's 22-year occupation of
southern Lebanon, countless Palestinian families have been able to
travel down to the border to look at these same hills. For the
soldiers on the other side, it is Israel. But to the Palestinians
rotting in Lebanon, it is Palestine. They can go and look at it. It
is real.

Indeed the very Israeli retreat from Lebanon last year played a
historic role in the changing perception of Arabs. The Hizbollah
fought the occupation until the Israelis upped-sticks and
ran. "Palestine" is not Lebanon. But the Palestinians learned a
lesson. You don't have to be frightened of Israel any more.

We can be sure that Colin Powell will not be dwelling on such matters
as he continues his three-day visit to the Middle East. He'll be
talking about Israel's "security" and about the need to re-focus
attention on Iraq. We'll hear again about Saddam's weapons of "mass
destruction". And while we do, the chances of a real peace in the
Middle East based on UN Security Council Resolution 242 - a peace for
Israel and a peace for a West Bank-Gaza Palestine - will go on
withering.
(c) Independent Newspapers (UK) Limited 2001.






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