4) GM Forces Crisis in Soutrh Korea
by [EMAIL PROTECTED]
5) Report from the EZLN Caravan
by [EMAIL PROTECTED]
6) Chattanooga 3 Get Suspended Sentences
by [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the March 15, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
260 AUTO WORJKERS ARRESTED: GM FORCES CRISIS IN
SOUTH KOREA
Daewoo Unionists Call for International Solidarity
By Gloria La Riva
Inchon, south Korea
When 400 fired Daewoo autoworkers and about 30 of their
family members gathered outside the gates of the Pupyong
plant here on March 7, they were met by a wall of 3,000 riot
police. Hundreds of cops were stationed at every entrance to
the giant industrial complex, every street corner, every
subway stop.
The company had announced that the plant, after having been
closed for a month by a strike and sit-in, would be reopened
on this day. The plant had earlier been occupied by
thousands of strikers, who carried out a long sit-in in sub-
freezing weather hoping to keep the company from eliminating
their jobs.
But the police had already stormed the plant and forced out
1,700 strikers in preparation for its reopening. Now 400 of
the fired holdouts were back, confronting almost 10 times as
many cops. Before the day was over, 260 of them had been
arrested and the plant was back in operation.
The Daewoo struggle has great significance for the labor
movement in the United States. These workers, who have put
their bodies on the line, have been forced into this fight
because General Motors is bidding to take over the Korean
auto company. It is demanding that first the current owners
cut costs by trimming the work force. Already Daewoo has
laid off 7,000 out of the 18,000 workers formerly in its
employ.
If GM's strategy succeeds, it will only whet the auto
giant's appetite for concessions from all its workers,
including here in the United States.
The Korean Confederation of Trade Unions has been organizing
solidarity rallies at Daewoo, bringing in workers from other
industries to show support.
The strike leader is Kim Il-Sup, 37, and his picture appears
on wanted posters all over this town. He and a handful of
other strike leaders are living in tents in the parking lot
of a church near the plant. The cops can't touch them as
long as they stay on church property.
A delegation from the International Action Center in the
United States met with the strike leaders on the day that
the plant reopened. Kim Il-Sup told them what had happened,
and said that morale was still high. He explained that even
if the workers had not been fired, their futures would be
dim because of the GM takeover.
The union had offered concessions to the company, like
cutting hours so that workers would not have to be laid off,
but the company had rejected their offer.
"The workers inside and outside should unite to fight
capital," said Kim, referring to the 3,000 workers who had
returned to their jobs. "Otherwise, those inside may be put
in the same fate as us. We should fight together."
Daewoo has three main plants in south Korea. The workers
believe that General Motors has a plan to buy only two of
them, and close down Pupyong.
Brian Becker of the IAC told Kim that this was not an
isolated strike. "It revolves around the issue of
restructuring demanded by the International Monetary Fund.
The south Korean government is trying to make this a model
case in order to attract foreign capital.
"Daewoo has become a test case for all south Korean unions.
If you are defeated, all labor will be in a defensive
position. This heroic sitdown strike has won the support of
working people everywhere who are fighting against
globalization. If we do not resist and fight, we cannot win.
So even if it's a difficult struggle, it's the only path
open to the working class."
Becker said that his organization would call for support for
the embattled Daewoo workers from unions in the U.S.
[Editor's note: GM's board of directors met in Detroit the
day before the 260 workers were arrested in Inchon. They
refused to say whether the auto giant would continue in its
efforts to buy Daewoo, thereby increasing pressure on the
Korean company to resolve the struggle with the workers. The
next day, as the 260 workers were being arrested, South
Korean President Kim Dae-Jung was in Washington meeting with
President George W. Bush. On March 9 he is scheduled to meet
with GM Chair Jack Smith in Chicago.]
- END -
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
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From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: torstai 8. maaliskuu 2001 12:12
Subject: [WW] Report from the EZLN Caravan
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the March 15, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
REPORT FROM THE EZLN CARAVAN: BROAD CONGRESS
DEMANDS INDIGENOUS RIGHTS
By Gloria La Riva
Nurio, Michoacán, Mexico
As the March for Indigenous Rights winds its way through
southern Mexico, thousands of Mexican people--Indigenous and
mestizo--are turning out in town after town to salute the
guerrilla commanders of the Zapatista Army for National
Liberation (EZLN), who are leading the historic caravan. The
caravan includes representatives from many of Mexico's 60
Indigenous ethnic groups and hundreds of other Mexican and
international supporters.
The highlight so far has been the National Indigenous
Congress, which was convened here in Michoacan by 3,383
Indigenous delegates representing 41 different groups from
27 Mexican states. They were joined by 5,000 national and
international observers, including other Indigenous
delegations from the U.S., Canada, Ecuador, Bolivia and
Guatemala.
The Congress passed broad resolutions at many workshops,
called mesas. They agreed on a "unified, national Indigenous
peaceful uprising" and declared unanimous support of the
EZLN and its caravan to Mexico City.
DEMAND INDIGENOUS RIGHTS BE ADDED TO CONSTITUTION
It also created a commission of representatives from all the
other Indigenous groups to accompany the EZLN to Mexico's
capital. And the delegates agreed to develop a front with
social and civil organizations and unions to push to include
Indigenous rights in the Mexican Constitution, calling on
non-Indigenous people to join them in this struggle
The caravan has traveled through nine states so far on its
way to Mexico City, holding public rallies in scores of
villages and gathering forces to back the demand for
Indigenous rights. Whether Huichol or Tarahumara Indian,
Zapoteco or Tzeltal, they are calling for unity to win
social justice.
In this highland village of Nurio, home of Purepecha Indians
in the state of Michoacan, the Zapatista caravan helped
inaugurate the third National Indigenous Congress after a
rousing nighttime welcome by thousands of villagers in the
town plaza.
The march and congress are also calling for the federal
government to implement the San Andres Larrainzar accords.
That agreement was negotiated between the EZLN guerrillas
and the previous president, Ernesto Zedillo, but was never
honored by the government. Instead, thousands of army troops
were deployed to occupy Indian villages in Chiapas in an
effort to rout the Zapatistas. The occupation continues
today.
Enthusiasm for the caravan is growing and a huge turnout is
expected for a mass rally on March 11 in the Zocalo central
square of Mexico City. There the marchers will present their
demands to the Mexican National Congress.
GOV'T TRIES TO CO-OPT MASS SENTIMENT
The sentiment is so great that the new president, Vicente
Fox, has found himself forced to recognize the march and
declare himself in favor of peace.
Of course, the recognition from this right-wing president is
not out of respect for Indigenous rights or the Zapatistas
but fear of a mass movement that is gaining momentum. In the
midst of this march, the government has launched a major
campaign to try to co-opt the mass sentiment. Slick
television ads speaking of peace and love are now showing
constantly on television, and Saturday night a mass rock
concert featuring Mexico's two top rock groups and organized
by the government was aired on all channels.
But the public looks at this government effort with a great
deal of skepticism. The militant student movement at the
National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM), which was
brutally repressed by the police during a student strike one
year ago, organized a counter concert.
The opening rally of the National Indigenous Congress was
held on a hillside outside Nurio, on the grounds of a
secondary school where the caravanistas and supporters are
camped out.
Juan Chavez, Purepecha elder and delegate, spoke of the need
for unity among the Indigenous peoples and an end to the
struggles that have sometimes divided them.
Pablo Gonzalez Casanova spoke on behalf of Mexico's "civil
society," which refers to the independent social and
political movements of the country. He said, "Brothers and
sisters, companeros of EZLN, it is a great honor to be
invited on behalf of civil society. What can we say before
this very important gathering of Mexicans, where the Indian
peoples have united to continue struggling, each time with
more firmness, for the rights that have been denied for so
many years and so many centuries.
"Those who are afraid of this struggle are afraid precisely
because it is no longer just of the Mexican people, but for
all those who, near or far, are struggling. Those Indigenous
people who are fighting the mestizo are steadily uniting the
people and the poorest to fight for the workers of the
world." The crowd broke into enthusiastic applause after
this last pronouncement.
ZAPATISTA WOMEN DEMAND FREEDOM AND JUSTICE
Twenty-four commanders of the EZLN are leading the march,
and they take turns speaking at the rallies. Today
Comandante Esther was cheered for her tribute to the women
who struggle against their oppressors.
She said, "For more than 500 years thousands of our brothers
and sisters have died from exploitation and marginalization,
especially the women. We die during childbirth because we
have no clinics to treat us. The bad government says they
have built clinics in the communities, but it is a lie.
There are no doctors to attend us, no medicines for our
health.
"We suffer this sacrifice in blood and live lives without
hope. Because of this great desperation we took the decision
to organize ourselves with our rebellion. ... We as
Zapatista women will continue forward with our struggle, no
more deception! From here on we are telling the government
we will not accept our Indigenous dignity to be placed in
shame any longer. We will not rest until we win democracy,
freedom and justice. No more a Mexico without the women!"
The important issue of nationalities and Indigenous rights
in Mexico was brought to center stage by the Zapatista
uprising in 1994. The rebellion was prompted by the economic
crisis exacerbated by NAFTA and longstanding oppression that
hit the Indigenous communities brutally.
Of the 100 million Mexicans, the overwhelming majority have
strong Indian roots. A smaller percentage have remained on
their historic lands and maintained their Indigenous
languages and cultures. It is estimated that some 10 to 20
million people from about 60 distinct Indian ethnicities
strongly identify as a specific Indigenous group and retain
their language.
While the majority of Mexicans are suffering economic
hardship, the rural Indigenous communities are hit the
hardest by the growing monopoly of land and wealth in
Mexico. In addition, the Indigenous suffer from
longstanding racism and oppression, the lack of education
and jobs, and the denial of bilingual education, all of
which put their communities at risk.
NAFTA BROUGHT GREATER POVERTY
In interviews, many of the Indigenous expressed desperation
about the poverty that has inundated their communities
because there are few jobs and they can't sell their corn or
other crops. When asked why, virtually all of them said, "El
tratado de libre comercio," referring to the North American
Free Trade Agreement that was orchestrated by the United
States imperialist government.
NAFTA marked the abandonment of the Mexican government's
decades-long policy of supporting national agriculture and
industry against imperialist competition. Before, Mexican
farmers would receive fertilizer, seed and other implements
at subsidized prices, and their products were bought by the
government at a guaranteed price.
In turn, the poor of Mexico could depend for their daily
sustenance on subsidized corn tortillas and beans that were
kept at a low price.
With NAFTA, all protective barriers to U.S. and other
international agriculture were eliminated. Imports were no
longer taxed to favor Mexican goods produced within the
country. Mexico stopped all subsidies to farmers, driving
peasants into disastrous conditions.
In one meeting after another the Indigenous peasants spoke
of being gripped by economic ruin.
Juan, a Purepecha Indian from the Nurio region, said he can
no longer grow corn on his small plot of land because there
are no buyers.
"The government sells us fertilizer and seed very high" said
Juan, "and we can't even sell our corn. Now we're told the
wool from our sheep is no good, because Australia produces
it cheaper.
He pointed to his clothes and said, "The only way we survive
is because our children send us money and clothes from the
U.S. Anyone who doesn't have family in the U.S. is
starving."
Everyone interviewed had close family members in the United
States. More than one person remarked that almost all the
men have left the villages to move to Chicago, St. Louis,
San Jose, Palo Alto, Jersey City, every corner of the U.S.
Further from the Indigenous congress, near Morelia, an old
man sat with his father and friends by the roadside.
Francisco Gonzalez's years of hard labor were evident in his
rough hands. He said, "I have land but it costs me 5,000
pesos for the seed and fertilizer and I can't get anything
for my corn and alfalfa.
"That's why I'm going to the United States Wednesday. I'm
joining my sons in Chicago because I have to find work."
It was hard to imagine this 64-year-old man risking his life
to cross the border illegally and find work, but it is a
phenomenon repeated thousands of times a day as Indigenous
and other Mexican peasants and workers are driven from their
land.
The Zapatista struggle for the Indigenous people of Chiapas,
with this new national mobilization and campaign for
Indigenous rights, has awakened a movement among the most
oppressed of Mexico that only promises to grow.
- END -
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
copy and distribute verbatim copies of this document, but
changing it is not allowed. For more information contact
Workers World, 55 W. 17 St., NY, NY 10011; via e-mail:
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From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Date: torstai 8. maaliskuu 2001 12:12
Subject: [WW] Chattanooga 3 Get Suspended Sentences
-------------------------
Via Workers World News Service
Reprinted from the March 15, 2001
issue of Workers World newspaper
-------------------------
IT'S NOT OVER YET: CHATTANOOGA 3 GET SUSPENDED
SENTENCES
By Leslie Feinberg
Three Black anti-police-brutality activists known as the
Chattanooga 3 received suspended sentences on Feb. 26.
Lorenzo Komboa Ervin, Damon McGee and Mikail Musa
Muhammad
(Ralph P. Mitchell) had been convicted on Jan. 11 under the
state's "disruption law." The charges resulted from their
attempts to speak out about police abuse at a May 19, 1998,
meeting of the City Council in Chattanooga, Tenn.
Before the City Council meeting, the Coalition Against
Police Brutality--to which all three men belonged--held a
march on city hall. More than 150 people took part to
protest police killings of two Black men, Kevin McCullough
and Montrail Collins, just days before.
Coalition leaders had arranged with former City Council
President David Crockett for Ervin to present the demand for
community control of the Chattanooga police to the May 19
meeting.
More than 100 people packed the city council meeting to back
Ervin's proposal. But when the time came, Crockett would not
allow Ervin to speak.
Police arrested Ervin when he attempted to read his proposal
from the speaker's podium. McGee and Muhammad, at the podium
with Ervin, were also arrested.
Tennessee's "disruption law" criminalizes as a misdemeanor
offense any verbal utterance or physical action that
disrupts a lawful meeting.
'A PARTIAL VICTORY'
Prior to sentencing, each of the Chattanooga 3 defendants
addressed the court.
"There should be no sentences," McGee said. "We are civil-
rights activists, not disrupters. We went to the city
council meeting to petition the government to investigate
the police killings of Kevin McCullough and Montrail Collins
and to stop the rampant police beatings and killings of
Black and poor people in this city."
McGee gave Criminal Court Judge Rebecca J. Stern a written
statement that included the names of 42 people who have been
killed by Chattanooga police since the early 1980s.
Muhammad told the judge: "I am not begging the court for
anything. I had a right to stand up against injustice. The
legal and moral thing for you to do is not give me any
sentence."
Ervin said there was no "criminal intent" to disrupt the
city council meeting. "We made arrangements to speak," he
said. He added that the First Amendment of the U.S.
Constitution "says that the people have a right to redress
their grievances to government officials."
Stern stopped short of doing the right thing. She did
sentence the three. But what was unexpected is that the
sentences were suspended.
In remarks to the defendants that were patronizing, but
surprising, she told the three: "I believe your motivations
were good. Your method was wrong, but your message was
right."
Stern gave Ervin a 60-day suspended sentence and 10 days of
community service. McGee and Muhammad each received 30-day
suspended sentences and five days community service. In
addition, the judge ruled that the three must pay court
costs.
Muhammad, also convicted of resisting arrest, will serve
concurrent sentences.
'LAW IS DANGEROUS, UNDEMOCRATIC'
After the judge's decision, Ervin said he had expected the
maximum six-month prison sentence for disruption.
Ervin explained that the suspended sentencing followed a
Feb. 24 rally in support of the Chattanooga 3 held in front
of the office of the Hamilton County sheriff. Television
stations gave wide coverage to the rally.
News about the case has spread beyond Tennessee. Activists
from Kentucky, Georgia, Washington, D.C., Pennsylvania,
North Carolina and Michigan came to participate in the
rally. One person attending was from Brighton, England.
As a result of this support rally, Ervin noted, "It was a
completely different courtroom today than when we were tried
last month."
In a four-page written statement Ervin had given Stern and
the media, he characterized the Jan. 9-11 trial of the
Chattanooga 3 as "a kangaroo court trial, a political show
trial, to satisfy the desire of local officials for
revenge."
The Chattanooga 3 declared that they will appeal their
convictions. They are ready to take their case to the U.S.
Supreme Court if need be.
Ervin said: "The suspended sentences were only a partial
victory. The disruption law is dangerous and undemocratic.
The fight of the Chattanooga 3 will not be over until this
law is declared unconstitutional."
The disruption law has been applied only twice since the
state legislature amended it in 1989, according to Professor
Dwight Aarons of the University of Tennessee College of Law.
In both cases, Ervin was a defendant.
"The disruption law should be called the Ervin law," Ervin
said.
In 1993, Ervin was a defendant in the case of the
Chattanooga 8. Those eight activists were officially charged
with disrupting a police memorial. Ervin and one other
defendant were convicted in 1994.
The Tennessee Supreme Court recently ruled that it would not
consider Ervin's appeal of the 1994 disruption conviction.
Ervin said that he would take that appeal to either federal
district court or the U.S. Supreme Court.
- END -
(Copyright Workers World Service: Everyone is permitted to
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