From: Rick Rozoff <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>


Al-Ahram Weekly (Cairo)
29 March - 4 April 2001


"Meanwhile, the situation in Kosovo has deteriorated
ever since the UN Interim Administration (UNMIK) in
Kosovo was put in force by NATO. Kosovo is now little
more than a colony; and not a well run one. It is
virtually controlled by the EU and NATO....Under their
auspices, Kosovo has turned into a haven for arms and
narcotics trafficking....Many armed Albanians in
Macedonia and southern Serbia previously fought
alongside the KLA, abetted by NATO....The sad reality,
however, is that NATO's current divide and rule
approach to the crisis in the Balkans is likely only
to induce fear and encourage a culture of blame."





Come one, come all
Macedonia's repulsion of incursions by ethnic Albanian
militant separatists shows how NATO's intervention
injects instability into the Balkans, argues Gamal
Nkrumah
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
----
 
March has been a critical month for the agitated
ethnic Albanians of the Balkans. They know what they
need to do to clear the last hurdle before political
independence. But the Western powers no longer take
kindly to their determination to settle their disputes
with their Slav neighbours by force. The Albanians'
eagerness to seek drastic solutions once had the tacit
connivance and then the open encouragement of the
West. But their tactics have had their cost -- both
financial and, more importantly, human. And the West
has now withdrawn its support. By their initial
favour, NATO raised the Albanians' hopes, only to dash
them cruelly just as their goal seemed at hand.

As NATO's ardour for the Albanians has cooled, the
Macedonians have snatched the opportunity to cosy up
to the Western organisation. At first, Macedonian
Prime Minister Ljubco Georgievski lashed out against
US inertia. Georgievski accused Western troops of
turning a blind eye to Albanian fighters as they
infiltrated Macedonian territory. He spoke of "a new
[Afghan-style] Taliban in Europe" -- the Albanians
being a predominantly Muslim people. After raising
these alarms, the Macedonian authorities requested
Western assistance. The West obliged. NATO reinforced
its presence on the Macedonia-Kosovo border to prevent
Albanian separatists using Kosovo as a base for
attacks on Macedonia. British, German and US troops
were rushed in. With their border secured, the
Macedonian army last week was able to flush the last
Albanian fighters from their territory. The fighters
had infiltrated Macedonia from Kosovo as part of their
battle for self-determination. Macedonian troops
stormed the ethnic Albanian separatists' headquarters
in Selce, now a deserted ghost town. NATO's stern
message to the Albanian separatists was swift and
clear: try to return to the politics of confrontation
and you will fast become obsolete. This is a far cry
from NATO's earlier abatement of the separatists'
hopes. 

Growing instability in the Balkans has fuelled the
separatists' desire for independence. The map of the
Balkans changed dramatically after the break-up of the
former Yugoslavia. The Croats, the Slovenes and even
the ethnic Macedonian Slavs, who number only one and a
half million, have their own states. The ethnic
Albanians, who number well over seven million, do not
want to be left behind. But for now, they remain
scattered across the war-torn southeastern corner of
Europe. Over four million Albanians live in the
independent state of Albania -- a veritable economic
basket case. A further two million are geographically
concentrated in Kosovo.

Less numerous, but equally restless, are the Albanian
communities of Montenegro, northern Macedonia and
southern Serbia. The Slavic states of the Balkans
believe that since the Albanians already have a state
of their own they are not entitled to carve yet
another corner of the Balkans for themselves. The
Albanians, on the other hand, see themselves as the
aggrieved party. They feel ill-treated in states
designated for other nationalities. A demographic
trend is also at work: the number of ethnic Albanians
is rising rapidly while the other Balkans Slavic
peoples are fast aging and dangerously dwindling.
Albanians already outnumber Serbs in southern Serbia.
According to official figures, 23 per cent of the
Macedonian population is ethnic Albanian. The
Albanians claim they account for over a third of the
2.2 million people of Macedonia. But since Macedonian
independence in 1991, the Albanian minority has felt
marginalised from decision-making.

Meanwhile, the situation in Kosovo has deteriorated
ever since the UN Interim Administration in Kosovo
(UNMIK) was put in force by NATO. Kosovo is now little
more than a colony: and not a well run one. It is
virtually controlled by the EU and NATO, the United
Nations and the Organisation for Security and
Cooperation in Europe (OSCE). The OSCE Mission in
Kosovo (OMIK) is part of the UN's three-pillar system.
The mandates of the other two UN pillars
(Reconstruction and the Interim Civil Administration)
are carried out by the EU and the UN Civil Affairs
body. Under their auspices, Kosovo has turned into a
haven for arms and narcotics trafficking. Hans
Haekkerup, head of UNMIK, warns that the level of
violence in Kosovo is "unacceptably high" and speaks
of the "growing hardship for the population of
Kosovo." Kosovo Albanian leader Ibrahim Rogova and
Kosovo Serb leader Momcilo Trajkovic are at
loggerheads. Tension between the two communities is
worse than ever. Such conditions only quicken the
ethnic Albanians' desire to determine their own
affairs. 

The situation in Macedonia is equally fractious. There
are two main Albanian rebel groups active in northern
Macedonia and southern Serbia. The more powerful, the
Liberation Army of Presevo, Medvedjo and Bujanovac
(UCPMB), is named after three municipalities in
southern Serbia with predominantly Albanian
populations. Until this week, the UCPMB moved with
impunity inside Macedonia. The second group operating
in northern Macedonia is the National Liberation Army
(UCK). NATO says the force numbers under 1,000 while
the Yugoslav authorities estimate their numerical
strength to be over 5,000 well trained and well armed
militiamen. Both the UCPMB and UCK receive strong
support from the now disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army
(KLA). Many armed Albanians in Macedonia and southern
Serbia previously fought alongside the KLA, abetted by
NATO. The two groups were most active in and around
the Macedonian town of Tetovo.

Blame and violence have marked the conflict. When on
14 March fighting erupted in Tetovo, the Russian
Foreign Minister, Igor Ivanov, flew to the Macedonian
capital, Skopje, and blamed Western complacency for
the escalation of the crisis. The Macedonian army then
moved against the Albanian militias with Soviet-made
tanks and sent hundreds of troops and artillery to
Tetovo. Now Macedonia's 500,000 ethnic Albanians fear
reprisals. Moderate Albanian voices inside Macedonia
have urged the militants to lay down arms. Others seek
revenge. 

Whatever the outcome, the current crisis in Macedonia,
which erupted a month ago, risks spreading instability
throughout the Balkans. Developments in Macedonia will
affect events in Kosovo, Serbia and Montenegro. The UN
is taking some steps to improve this sorry mess. But
most of its displeasure is aimed at the Albanians. The
UN chief prosecutor, Carla del Ponte, said two
inquiries are currently under way. One investigates
alleged crimes committed by militant Albanians in
Kosovo. The other investigates attacks by ethnic
Albanian militias beyond Kosovo's borders in southern
Serbia. The sad reality, however, is that NATO's
current divide and rule approach to the crisis in the
Balkans is likely only to induce fear and encourage a
culture of blame. 

The Balkans sit astride strategic routes and oil
pipelines and are a buffer between the European Union,
Turkey and the Middle East. It is the least developed
and most impoverished corner of Europe. Western-style
democracy is being forced on its disparate peoples.
The key to improvement lies in strengthening the
region's own democratic institutions and in respecting
the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the
countries of the Balkans, including Federal Yugoslavia
as guaranteed by UN Security Council Resolution 1244
of 1999. For the divided nations of the Balkans, a
quick fix from NATO will never amount to a long-term
cure. 



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