Wahid's demise a loss for democracy


By LOUISE WILLIAMS
Tuesday 24 July 2001

As the tortuous "death watch" over the presidency of Abdurrahman Wahid drew
to a close, his raucous political opponents could claim only the most hollow
of short-term victories.

For the people of Indonesia, the demise of their first democratically
elected president in more than three decades must represent a profound loss.

The immediate winners will be the power elite of old, the Machiavellian
players who honed their skills under the former authoritarian leader
Suharto.


The losers will be the ordinary Indonesians who believed that Suharto's
dramatic fall three years ago represented the dawning of a new era, one in
which a democratically elected government would finally deliver the justice,
peace and accountability they craved.

Huge damage has already been done. The euphoria over Mr Suharto's fall in
May, 1998, and the optimism of the largely peaceful national polls of the
following year have long evaporated. The reality is that the long and
complicated process of removing Mr Wahid from office that began at the start
of this year had political power as its driving force. Ostensibly, Mr Wahid
was called to account over corruption claims that would lead to his
scheduled impeachment on August1.

However, on May 29 the Attorney-General cleared him of involvement in the
two scandals. His political opponents decided to push ahead anyway, accusing
him of incompetent and erratic leadership instead.

Many of those who pushed for Mr Wahid's impeachment have links to the
former Suharto regime and the military. Others have long opposed Mr Wahid,
such as the parliamentary Speaker, Amien Rais, emerging now to claim that Mr
Wahid will be dragged off in chains if he refuses to leave the presidential
palace.

As often happens when a dictator falls, the disparate political groups that
formed a powerful bloc in opposition disintegrate into squabbling factions
when power is finally up for grabs.

The Indonesian political quagmire is worsening under the ambitions of too
many individuals with too little regard for the cost of political infighting
in a poor, fractured nation.

Throughout the slow tightening of the noose around Mr Wahid's neck,
Indonesia slid further into paralysis. From increasing violence in the
northern breakaway province of Aceh, where 21 separatists were reported
killed last weekend alone, to the unchecked logging of national parks and
the nation's little remaining tropical rainforest, the absence of effective
government is taking its toll. The tragedy is not the fate of any individual
politician. It is the beggars on the streets, the run-down schools, the
lousy health services and the everyday violence over petty insults and
crimes of opportunity.
Detractors blame Mr Wahid personally for failing to implement any real
policies. But in truth he has been unable to make headway in crucial areas,
such as prosecuting military officers over atrocities in East Timor or
negotiating peaceful settlements with independence movements in Irian Jaya
or Aceh, because powerful forces in the military would not allow him to do
so.

Mr Wahid's removal will merely shift the political battleground but will not
directly tackle the critical economic and social problems that still
overwhelm the country.

Megawati Sukarnoputri inherits a nation beset by economic woes, separatist
conflicts, rampant environmental destruction, widespread lawlessness,
corruption and human-rights abuses.

There may be little honeymoon for Mrs Megawati as political parties begin
jockeying for dominance before the next election in 2004.

The problem with Indonesia, says a new group of young ideologues, is that
ofpolitical power itself. Without a commitment to the common good, the
revolving door will keep turning, with many of the same old faces going in
and out in the name but not the spirit of democracy.

Louise Williams is a former correspondent for The Age in Indonesia.


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