November 3, 2004

Democrats in End Time

Republicans Gain Shattering Victory; Who to Blame This Time?

By ALEXANDER COCKBURN

and JEFFREY ST. CLAIR

http://www.counterpunch.org/

The crusade that George Bush called for in 2001 against terrorism from 
abroad came to fruition yesterday in a more homely context as Christians 
flocked to the polls in stronger numbers than in 2000 to battle against 
such manifestations of post-modernity as gay marriage.

There are many reasons for what is an overwhelming Republican victory 
across the board. They range from the disastrous choice of John Edwards as 
Kerry's running mate to delusions about the potency of electronic 
organizing (that should have been demolished after Howard Dean's implosion 
last spring, to the fatal deficiencies of Kerry himself.

The strategy of the Democratic Party as formulated by DNC chairman Terry 
McAuliffe amounted to belief in the simple potency of corporate cash, plus 
hysterical demonization of Bush and Nader, represented at full stretch by 
Michael Moore, who began the year backing General Wesley Clarke and ended 
it as a pied piper for Kerry. They came to the Rubicon of November 2 
replete with fantasies, about the unknown cell phone vote, the youth vote 
(which actually remained unchanged from 2000), the galvanizing potential of 
Bruce Springsteen and Eminem.

Week after week Kerry and his boosters displayed an unmatched deafness to 
political tone. The haughty elitist from Boston probably lost most of the 
Midwest forever when he said in the high summer that foreign leaders hoped 
he would win. The applause of the French in Cannes for Michael Moore's 9/11 
was the sound of the cement drying over the corpse of Kerry's chances of 
carrying the Midwest. Soros's dollars were like flowers on the grave. After 
the billionaires Portuguese-American Teresa Heinz Kerry said in mid October 
that Laura Bush had never held a job it was all over.

If there was a visual premonition of why George Bush would achieve a 
popular majority beyond challenge it was probably the photographs of gay 
couples celebrating their marriages outside San Francisco's city hall. 
America is a very Christian country. In the regular national survey 
conducted by the University of Chicago in 2002, 53 per cent of the adult 
population identified themselves as Protestant, 25 per cent as Catholic, 3 
per cent as Christians of some other denomination, 3 per cent as adhering 
to "other religions", 2 per cent as Jewish and 14 per cent as having "no 
religion". That's a lot of Christians, and though many of them may have had 
a mature tolerance for the preference of Dick and Lynn Cheney's daughter 
Mary, a strong percentage felt very strongly that state sanction of same 
sex marriage was going way too far.

There was a ballot initiative in Ohio to ban gay marriage and it was 
probably what helped Bush overcome the smoldering ruins of the Ohio economy 
and the increasing unpopularity of the war.

October surprises? No candidate was more burdened by them than George Bush. 
Just in the last couple of weeks, headlines brought tidings of US marines 
killed in Baghdad and other US troops rising up in mutiny against lack of 
equipment to protect their lives. The president's brother Neil was exposed 
as influence peddling on the basis of his family connections. The economic 
numbers remained grim as they have been all year. And this was just the 
icing on the cake. You can back over the past fifteen months and find 
scarce a headline or news story bringing good tidings for Bush. History is 
replete with revolutions caused by a rise in the price of bread. This year 
the price of America's primal fluid--oil--on which every household depends, 
tripled.

But Kerry and the Democrats were never able to capitalize on any of these 
headlines, a failure which started when Democrats in Congress, Kerry 
included, gave the green light to the war on Iraq, and which continued when 
Kerry conclusively threw away the war and WMD issues in August. When he 
tried to a chord change at NYU on September 20 it was too late and even 
then his position remained incoherent. He offered no way out. More tunnel, 
no light.

It was like that for Kerry on almost every issue. Outsourcing is a big 
issue in the rustbelt, yet here was Kerry forced to concede that he had 
voted for the trade pacts and still supported them. All he offered, aside 
from deficit busting (which plays to the bond market but not to people 
working two jobs), was some tinkering with the tax code alarming to all 
those millions of Americans who play the lottery and believe that if they 
are not yet making more than $200,000 a year they soon will.

Edwards added absolutely nothing to the ticket. At least Dan Quayle held 
Indiana back in 1988 and 2002. No one state in the south went into Kerry's 
column. Gore did better in Florida and West Virginia. Dick Gephardt would 
certainly have brought the Democratic ticket Missouri and probably Iowa and 
hence the White House.

The Republicans played, on the ground, to the bedrock members of their 
party, and got them to the polls. The Kerry campaign conducted an air war 
from 30,000 feet, bombarding the population with vague alarums and somehow 
thinking that ABB (Anyone But Bush) would pull them through. There was 
indeed a lost of popular animosity towards Bush but the Democrats could 
never capitalize on it. The crucial machinery of any political party is 
organization, its capacity to rally its supporters on the big day. In this 
crucial area the Democratic Party is in an advanced state of disrepair. The 
SEIU wasted $70 million of its members' dues money attacking Ralph Nader. 
Far more energy went into trying to suppress the Nader vote. They did 
suppress it and this achievement gained them nothing.

It's as grim a day for the Democrats as was 1980 when the Republicans swept 
the board. What will the Democrats do? You can already hear the Democratic 
Leadership Council cranking up its message that you can only beat the 
Republicans by outflanking them on the right. The Nader alibi has gone. The 
Democratic Party has nowhere else to look than in the mirror. They would do 
well to examine Nader's critiques, but we bet they won't.

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