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The Baltimore Sun - Dec 28, 2004
http://www.baltimoresun.com/news/opinion/oped/bal-op.intel28dec28,1,2558446.story?coll=bal-oped-headlines

[Wayne S. Smith, a senior fellow at the Center for International Policy,
served with the State Department in Havana and Moscow.]

To Tailor the Truth

by Wayne Smith

The function of intelligence should be to provide as accurate an
assessment as possible of a given situation to guide the formulation of
policy.

But the Bush administration doesn't see it that way; rather, it sees
intelligence as something it can cite to justify a policy or an
initiative it has already decided upon, as happened with Iraq. And if
the facts must be twisted, misstated or even invented to justify that
decision, fine. There is no commitment to truth.

Selig S. Harrison, the chairman of the Task Force on U.S. Korea Policy
at the Center for International Policy, notes in the forthcoming January
edition of Foreign Affairs magazine that the administration deliberately
distorted its intelligence on North Korea.

In October 2002, the administration suddenly accused Pyongyang of
secretly developing a program to enrich uranium to weapons grade in
violation of its 1994 agreement with Washington. It then suspended the
oil shipments the United States had been making to North Korea under
that accord. North Korea responded by expelling international inspectors
and resuming the processing of plutonium, suspended under the 1994
agreement. We were back to a crisis situation.

But according to Mr. Harrison, a review of the available evidence
suggests that the Bush administration exaggerated the intelligence and
blurred the important distinction between weapons-grade uranium
enrichment and lower levels of enrichment. The first would clearly have
violated the 1994 agreement. The second, while technically prohibited by
the agreement, was permitted under the Nuclear Nonproliferation Treaty
and would not have resulted in uranium suitable for nuclear weapons.

It was something the United States probably should have questioned but
not something over which we should have brought U.S.-North Korean
relations back to a crisis. But that is exactly what the Bush
administration did. The results could be dangerous. It is as if the
administration preferred a military confrontation with North Korea to
continued negotiations and inspections.

And we see the same pattern with Cuba.

The administration charges that Cuba endorses terrorism as a policy and
represents a threat to U.S. security. But on the contrary, Cuba has
condemned terrorism in all of its manifestations, signed all 12 U.N.
anti-terrorist resolutions and offered to sign agreements with the
United States to cooperate in combating terrorism, an offer the
administration ignores.

Nor is Cuba "harboring" Basque and Colombian terrorists, as the
administration alleges. Members of the Basque ETA and the Colombian
groups Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia (FARC) and the National
Liberation Army (ELN) are in Cuba, but with the full knowledge of their
governments. Both Spain and Colombia stress that they have no evidence
that Cuba is involved in terrorist activities against them.

There are a number of American fugitives from justice in Cuba, yes, but
even under our own legislation that provides no grounds for declaring
Cuba to be a terrorist state; it certainly poses no threat to the United
States. Further, if Cuba does not regularly extradite U.S. fugitives,
the United States has not in more than 45 years extradited a single
Cuban, including known terrorists guilty of multiple murders.

But the most flagrant misrepresentations are those of Undersecretary of
State John R. Bolton, who charged last spring that Cuba "is known to be
developing a limited biological weapons [BW] effort ..." and "...
remains a terrorist and BW threat to the U.S."

Mr. Bolton cannot produce evidence of that, of course. But various U.S.
delegations led by the Center for Defense Information have gone to Cuba
and seen no evidence to suggest that this is the case. As retired Marine
Gen. Charles Wilhelm put it after one visit: "While Cuba certainly has
the capability to develop and produce chemical and biological weapons,
nothing that we saw or heard led us to the conclusion that they are
proceeding on this path ..."

In short, the administration has not presented evidence that Cuba
supports terrorism or has mounted a BW weapons effort. It simply alleges
this to be true. But just as it did in Iraq, on the basis of alleged
evidence, it is moving toward confrontation with Cuba. It has virtually
cut off all dialogue, has drastically reduced travel, tightened
sanctions and called for the ouster of Fidel Castro's government.

Under its policy of pre-emptive warfare, the Bush administration
reserves the right to take military action against any state deemed to
be a threat to the United States.

It has now said that Cuba poses such a threat. It probably has no
intention of taking military action against Cuba, not with troops
already in Iraq and Afghanistan. Still, Cuba should be prepared for the
worst.

Nor is this pattern of intelligence-tailoring likely to be corrected by
the intelligence reform law. Not with President Bush's newly appointed
CIA director, J. Porter Goss, now cleaning out those at the CIA who
dared to voice opinions contrary to those of the administration. Mr.
Goss has insisted that all hands must unwaveringly "support the
administration and its policies."

(c) 2004 Baltimore Sun

***

Agencia Cubana de Noticias (AIN)
http://www.ain.cubaweb.cu

Hopeful Year for Latin America

By Lucilo Tejera Diaz

Havana, Dec 28 (AIN) As the curtain falls on 2004, signs of hope shine on
Latin America due to the changes in the political map of the region and the
efforts to integrate its nations led by the Bolivarian Alternative for the
Americas, an initiative of Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez.

The Monday evening edition of the "The Round Table" program, broadcast
from Havana on TV, radio and the Internet, reviewed the most important
events occurring in Latin America during 2004.

In the political arena, panelists highlighted the increased support for the
government of Hugo Chavez in Venezuela. The major victories won by the
"Bolivarian Revolution" in a recall referendum and in regional elections
dealt a hard blow to the right wing opposition.

The movement led by Chavez takes its name from Simon Bolivar, the (early
19th century) Venezuelan general and statesman who, in pursuit of his
dream of a united continent, succeeded in liberating much of South America
from the Spanish.

Another important event in Latin America noted on the program was the
victory achieved by the left wing coalition led by president-elect Tabare
Vasquez in the Uruguayan general elections. Vasquez takes office on
March 1, 2005 and replaces the staunch US ally Jorge Batlle.

During 2004 important integration efforts took place in Latin America
including a revival of MERCOSUR, South America's common market, and
the creation of the South American Community of Nations.

Another key development cited on the program was the launching of the
Bolivarian Alternative for the Americas initiative, by way of the recent
agreements between Venezuela and Cuba that emphasize social aspects
and economic cooperation. The project stresses solidarity and is seen as
an alternative to the Free Trade Area of the Americas promoted by the US.

Despite the good news for the future, the Cuban journalists noted that
today, the continent's foreign debt remains unbearably high and that
increasing unemployment, poverty, violence and crime prevail in the region.

Journalist Eduardo Dimas of Cuban Television's news department warned
of the danger of military coups in Latin America in an attempt to thwart
change in a region where the United States has an important military
presence under different covers including its co-called anti-drug war.

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