Hi.  The gist of this mailing is captured in the cartoon on today's
commentary page of the LA Times.  And yes, I do believe it's
important to hear what Buchanan and others are saying.  Would
that mainstream U.S. were digesting this particular analysis.
Ed

http://www.timesonline.co.uk/article/0,,1065-1451138,00.html

The Times (London)     January 22, 2005

Ignore the vanity of the Bushites, America's might is draining away

By Matthew Parris

What time is it for America? If the Boston Tea Party was first light and the
Gettysburg Address dawn, where between the sunrise and sunset of empire
is the United States now? To judge from his inauguration speech,
President Bush thinks it is about time for morning coffee: much to be proud
of but big tasks — maybe the proudest of all — still ahead. To end tyranny
on Earth is no small ambition. Gerard Baker, the US editor of The Times,
(“Don’t believe the doubters: America’s decline and fall is a long way off
yet”) strikes a slightly more sanguine note. “A presidential inauguration is
a chance for America to remind the world who is boss,” he smiles, “to
demonstrate that the United States is the inheritor not only of Greece’s
glory, but of Rome’s reach” — but Gerard would not himself go so far: he
shares American anxieties about the rise of the Asian superpowers. He is
confident, though, there are tremendous reserves of energy and potential
still bubbling beneath the surface. “I would not bet on America’s eclipse
just yet,” he concludes. For his America, I guess, it is around lunch. An
afternoon’s work is still ahead.

I think it’s about half past four. For America-2005-Iraq, think of
Britain-1899-
Boer War. Ever-heavier burdens are being loaded upon a nation whose
economic legs are growing shaky, whose hegemony is being taunted and
whose sense of world mission may be faltering. “Overcommitted?” is the
whisper.

Not that you would hear it in the din of drums and trumpets. More display is
made in the spending of an inheritance than in its quiet accumulation, and
the perfumed blossoms of July and August are heaviest after the nights have
already begun to draw in. Like economic booms or summer solstices,
empires have a habit of appearing at their most florid some time after their
zenith has passed. Of the rise and fall of nations, history tends to find
that
the era of exuberance occurs when the underlying reasons for it are
beginning to weaken. There is a time lag between success and swagger.

“It was at Rome, on the 15th of October, 1764, as I sat musing amidst the
ruins of the Capitol, while the barefoot friars were singing vespers in the
Temple of Jupiter, that the idea of writing the decline and fall of the city
first started to my mind,” wrote Edward Gibbon in his autobiography. It was
at Miami airport, on August 17, 2004, as I stood musing for two hours in the
aliens queue for fingerprints, while contradictory instructions were aimed
at confused passengers by incompetent officials (and two security men
started body-searching each other) that the idea that for America the rot
was setting in first started to my mind.

In more ways than were betrayed by the battle between Lycra and human
flesh being waged across the massive bums of the women I saw, America
2005 is overstretched. The neoconservative Right dreams about the prospect
of a big new US military intervention in Iran, or perhaps Syria, but who
stops
to ask whether Washington has the troops for such an adventure? The aim
would have to be regime change, and that needs ground forces. Simply
“taking out” Iranian nuclear installations from the air would reinforce and
enrage Iran’s Islamist reactionaries, and scupper whatever pro-Western
reformist movement there may be.

The invasion would have to take place at the same time as maintaining the
occupation of Iraq. This shows no signs of reducing its call on American
forces, materiel or money. The Pentagon’s efforts may even have to be
stepped up after the Iraq election: this newspaper among many has called for
unstinting and open-ended US commitment to Iraqi security. Whether or not
you believed Tony Blair when he claimed that American Forces were in urgent
need of help from our Black Watch Regiment before Christmas, you can see
that as deaths mount and anarchy continues in Iraq, no US president can be
thinking in terms of deploying troops away from that country for operations
elsewhere.

In 1995, 13.7 per cent of American troops were deployed abroad. Today it is
27 per cent. America has more than 350,000 troops abroad. They are in
(among other places) Ascension Island, Afghanistan, Bosnia, Diego Garcia,
Djibouti, Egypt, Germany, Iraq, Italy, Japan, Kosovo and South Korea. In at
least a handful of these places it is fair to say that the country in
question would collapse without them. I am no military analyst, but it seems
reasonable to observe that in pursuit of US foreign and military policy, US
defence forces are being pushed fairly hard. It is fanciful for the Left to
fear, or the Right to hope, that at the flick of a switch President Bush can
create large new arenas of American military engagement.

And, worryingly from the longer-term point of view, many of the more
significant commitments among that list look like stalemates from the
military point of view. No realistic president should see reason to hope
that
“mission accomplished” can soon be declared in the Balkans, Afghanistan or
Iraq. America (and often Britain) is bogged down in such places.

At the same time, I sense, America’s need for brute force as a substitute
for moral suasion may be increasing. Mr Bush said “freedom” 27 times in his
speech. John F. Kennedy could be more sparing with the word because the
idea behind it shone so brightly for America then, and for the world. Across
Africa in the past century, US foreign policy goals, which included the
peaceful dissolution of the British Empire, were advanced without the firing
of a shot — or the expenditure of more than the few dollars needed to fund
American propaganda. Arguments are cheap, and America had the best
arguments, the best visions, and the best tunes.

Deservedly or undeservedly, America has lost the tune. Just as happened for
Britain during the Boer War, something has gone unaccountably off-key. We
British won that South African war in the end by sheer, bloody force; and
America will not be “defeated” in Iraq, or, I suppose, anywhere else. But as
armaments are increasingly substituted for arguments, the strain grows.
Eventually fatigue sets in.

There is a notion, as beloved of the European Left as of the yee-hah Right,
that America’s pocket is bottomless, its Armed Forces countless, its
weaponry infinite, and the only possible constraint upon its Government is
the will of the people. Europeans speak as though for Washington cost is
just not a consideration. This is not true of any empire or nation and has
never been true of America; but it is less true today than at any time since
the end of the Second World War.

The truth is that the US is in relentless relative decline as an economic
power in the world. The years after the Second World War (the years of the
Marshall Plan), when the economies of most of its competitors had been
wrecked while its own was growing strongly — were the noontide of
American muscle. The Cold War, because its central narrative was that of a
mortal threat from a Soviet giant of equal power, diminished the appearance
of American strength, but the narrative was false. The collapse of the rival
giant has exaggerated America’s apparent strength because it has so much
more economic muscle than any single rival.

But for many decades America’s share of the world’s economic output has
 declined. Think of a see-saw. America at one end is now easily outweighed
by any substantial grouping at the other, and most of those powers are on
friendly terms with each other. America’s modesty in 1945 understated its
muscle, just as Bushite vanity overstates it today. He has over-reached. His
country is overstretched, losing economic momentum, losing world leadership
and losing the philosophical plot. America is running into the sand.

***

http://www.antiwar.com/pat/?articleid=4894

antiwar.com February 21, 2005

Baiting a Trap for Bush?

by Patrick J. Buchanan

If Syria's Bashar Assad was behind the assassination of ex-Prime Minister
Rafiq Hariri of Lebanon, he is, in the edited version of Gen. Tommy Franks'
phrase, "the dumbest … man on the planet."

The Beirut car bombing that killed Hariri smashed Assad's hope of any
rapprochement with the United States, forced him into a collision with
President Bush, united the Lebanese in rage at Damascus and their own
pro-Syrian government, and coalesced world pressure on Assad to get his
15,000 troops out of Lebanon.

The blowback from this atrocity, fully predictable, is Syria's isolation.
Hence, it makes no sense for Bashar to have done it. Nor is this his style.
Unlike his father, Bashar Assad has no history of ordering terror attacks.

Cui bono – Who benefits? – is a question that must ever be asked about
Middle Eastern terror. Did those who planned and perpetrated this atrocity
seek not only the elimination of the pro-Saudi and pro-American Hariri, but
a U.S.-Syria confrontation that immediately followed?

If an independent investigation points to Syrian complicity, Assad must be
held accountable. But President Bush would be wise to suspend judgment
and take no rash action. For this atrocity has the look of a false-flag
operation to goad a volatile president into an attack on Syria. And, indeed,
the cries are coming from the predictable quarters for Bush to let the
missiles fly.

Before following this counsel, President Bush should consult with his father
about the greatest blunder of Reagan's first term.

Following the assassination of Lebanese President Bashir Gemayel and
dozens of others by a bomb planted on the roof of his Phalange Party
headquarters, Reagan was persuaded to send in the Marines. A massive
truck bombing of their barracks followed, slaughtering 241. After U.S. air
and
naval strikes, America withdrew in humiliation. Today, the same voices that
urged Reagan to go in – and condemn him still for pulling out – are
whispering in Bush's ear that war on Syria is the way to win the war on
Iraq.

The Syrians, understandably fearful of a U.S. attack, have run to Tehran.
This has further infuriated the War Party to urge Bush to attack both and
settle our rogue-state problem once and for all. Before Bush walks up this
primrose path a second time, he should remember what happened when he
took a walk with them before.

If the testimony of CIA chief Porter Goss and the director of defense
intelligence, Vice Adm. Lowell E. Jacoby, is accurate, we are less secure
today than before we invaded Iraq. "Islamic extremists are exploiting the
Iraqi conflict to recruit new anti-U.S. jihadists," Goss told the Senate
Intelligence Committee last week.

"These jihadists who survive will leave Iraq experienced and focused on
acts of urban terrorism. … They represent a potential pool of contacts to
build transnational terrorist cells, groups and networks in Saudi Arabia,
Jordan and other countries."

Jacoby echoed Goss: "Our policies in the Middle East fuel Islamic
resentment. … Overwhelming majorities in Morocco, Jordan, and Saudi
Arabia believe the U.S. has a negative policy toward the Arab world."

Here, then, is the abbreviated balance sheet on Bush's war.

On the profit side, Saddam is gone and we shall soon have a Shia-
dominated regime in Baghdad with strong ties to Iran, which will invite us
to go home.  The future of Iraq is, at this point, unknowable.

But the losses are known. Two years after invading, we have 1,500 dead,
10,000 wounded, and no end in sight to the fighting and dying. We have
killed scores of thousands of Iraqis, crippled our alliances, and bred
hatred of America across the Islamic world. We are $300 billion deeper in
debt. And the War Party, which was 100 percent wrong about Iraq, is
telling Bush the right thing to do is to attack Syria and Iran.

To double one's energy when one has lost sight of his goal is a definition
of fanaticism. For America's good and his own legacy, President Bush must
cease listening to those who have an agenda – ideological or otherwise –
other than the national interests of the United States.

There is no vital U.S. interest in Lebanon. There is no vital U.S. interest
in the Gulf other than oil, which the Arabs and Iran have to sell to us and
wish to sell to us. No Arab nation has attacked the United States since the
Barbary pirates, and none wants war with America. Only Osama, Sharon,
and the neoconservatives look longingly to a "World War IV" and a "clash of
civilizations" between America and Islam.

If FDR can negotiate with Stalin and Nixon with Mao, and this White House
can deal with Gadhafi and Kim Jong Il, George Bush can talk with Assad of
Syria and Khatami of Iran to prevent a wider war for which the costs in
blood and treasure would be far higher and the benefits even less than from
this misbegotten war in Iraq.

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