Hi.  Without distracting from the wonderful lead story, I urge you to
consider the possibilities of Walking to New Orleans.  The idea is
brilliant, the exact activity which will allow for ongoing education of
regular folks throughout the country and can/must ignite the mass,
multi-racial, multi-issue movement to rid us of these monsters.
It could change politics dramatically around the November elections
and play an important role in stopping a new war with Iran.  On multi-
issue, consider the example of Social Security and the budget, below
the call. Thanks to Mike Schwartz for passing it along.  -Ed

http://www.boston.com/news/globe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2006/02/07/the_woman_warrior/

The Boston Globe
February 7, 2006

The woman warrior

By Ellen Goodman

When the news came of Betty Friedan's death on her 85th
birthday, I remembered Aug. 26, 1970, the Women's
Strike for Equality. I remembered Betty Friedan
parading down New York's Fifth Avenue, with tens of
thousands of exhilarated women behind her.

I also remembered the afternoon edition of my paper
illustrating that march with two front-page photos. On
the left was the pretty, blond, smiling figurehead of
some unknown group of Happy Homemakers. On the right
was Betty Friedan, mouth open in midshout, face
contorted, as unattractive a photo of this woman as was
ever chosen by any editor. Under both pictures ran a
simple, loaded question: Which one do you choose?

This came to mind not only because Betty won her place
in the history books. It reminded me of what this
passionate and irascible, strong-willed, and difficult
woman was up against: a culture with prescribed roles
for women and harsh ways of slapping down those who
didn't conform.

Betty Friedan, author and agitator, most assuredly did
not conform. Not to Peoria, Ill., where she grew up.
Not to suburbia, where she raised her children. Not
even, always, to feminism.

She was born the year after suffrage passed. Her book,
the book, "The Feminine Mystique," was published in
1963, the year that Adlai Stevenson told my graduating
class at Radcliffe how important our education would be
in raising our children. It was released to paperback
and fame in 1964, the year I worked in the sex-
segregated research pool at Newsweek magazine -- and
thought I was lucky to have the job.

It's easy to forget now what it was like before Betty
named "the problem that had no name" and, in futurist
Alvin Toffler's words, "pulled the trigger on
history." We know how far women have come, but for
every woman who believes life has improved, there is
another who believes that life has become more
stressful. Some of us believe both things at the same
time.

The women's movement is sometimes treated as a vast
propaganda machine that convinced women of their
discontent and need for change. But Betty's book struck
a chord with women who were already fine-tuned to
listen.

"It was a strange stirring," she wrote. "A sense of
dissatisfaction, a yearning that women suffered in the
middle of the 20th century in the United States. Each
suburban wife struggled with it alone. As she made the
beds, shopped for groceries, matched slipcover
material, ate peanut butter sandwiches with her
children, chauffeured Cub Scouts and Brownies, lay
beside her husband at night -- she was afraid to ask
even of herself the silent question -- 'Is this all?' "

The most powerful catalyst for change, sociologists
will tell you, is when people learn what they already
know. Betty didn't invent the discontented housewife.
She described the discontent. She didn't create the
second-class citizenship. She analyzed it.

"Maybe it wasn't education that was the problem
keeping American women from 'adjusting to their role as
women,' but that narrow definition of 'the role of
women,' " she said.

For combating the mystique, she was shunned by
neighbors. For her refusal to conform, her children
were kicked out of the car pool. She was called "more
of a threat to the United States than the Russians."
But with one resounding click of recognition, with one
page turned after another, women who thought they were
"the only one" came out of isolation and into a
women's movement in the widest sense of that word.

Betty was dismissed as radical by the middle class and
as middle class by the radicals. She helped found the
National Organization for Women, the National Women's
Political Caucus, and NARAL. But she didn't brook fools
easily nor did she brook disagreements gracefully. She
teetered on high heels and gave speeches that never
ended. The battles with her feminist peers were
legendary.

For as long as she lived, women would come up to Betty
gushing, "You changed my life." I saw her dismiss them
summarily with a wave of her hand, "Oh, people tell me
that all the time."

Today, "Desperate Housewives" is a television show.
Mothers at home still bristle at her description of
their "dissatisfaction." Women in Fortune 500
companies can also ask "Is this all?"

But no one can doubt her role in this unfinished
revolution. Betty Friedan put her shoulder and her mind
to the task of opening doors and widening that "narrow
definition of 'the role of women.' "

In gratitude for that fine discontent, for that refusal
to conform, let me say it one last time: Betty, you
changed our lives.

Ellen Goodman's e-mail address is
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

(c) Copyright 2005 The New York Times Company

To subscribe: http://lists.portside.org/mailman/listinfo/portside

***

A worthy cause:

"WALKIN' TO NEW ORLEANS"
Veterans' and Survivors' March for Peace and Justice
Mobile to New Orleans
http://vetgulfmarch.org
March 14-19, 2006

Friends and allies:

Antiwar veterans groups and Katrina survivors are planning a very
politically significant action this coming March 14-19.  They need your
endorsement and support.

Hurricane Katrina is in the news again, as thousands of hurricane
survivors who were housed at hotels in New Orleans and other cities are
now being summarily evicted.  In New Orleans, evictees were not even
allowed to collect their belongings.  The National Guard, which was
sent in at night almost as a surprise attack in conjunction with
police, was tasked to collect people's meager possessions, as these
serially-displaced residents were herded aboard buses to be shipped off
to overcrowded shelters in other cities, or left to fend for themselves
as homeless people.

Concurrently, the lunatic-right that advises the Bush administration is
not only stubbornly adhering to the disastrous course of militarily
occupying Iraq, the same clique is now advocating military action
against Iran (Perle), and publishing enemies lists (Horowitz) of
antiwar activists even in the midst of a domestic spying scandal.

The colonial treatment being meted out to poor people and people of
color on the Gulf Coast is mirrored in the viscious neo-colonial war
the Bush administration is continuing against Arabs and Muslims.  It is
hard to decide whether Iraqis are being treated like African Americans
by the Bush administration, or African Americans are being treated like
Iraqis.

March 19, 2006 is the 3rd anniversary of the U.S. invasion of Iraq.

Veterans for Peace, Iraq Veterans Against the War, Vietnam Veterans
Against the War, Military Families Speak Out, Gold Star Families for
Peace, and hurricane survivors' organizations (SOS, PHRF, Common
Ground, United Peace Relief, MS Immigrant Rights Alliance, and others)
are organizing a five-day march along Gulf Coast Highway 90 to demand:

(1)  the immediate return of our troops from Iraq, and to call for U.S.
tax dollars to be spent on human priorities and

(2)  rebuilding of the devastated Gulf Coast, under the democratic
direction of the residents of the Gulf Coast, instead of the illegal
occupation of Iraq.

HERE ARE FIVE THINGS YOU CAN DO TO HELP.

1. ENDORSE the march as an individual or organization.  Click
http://www.vetgulfmarch.org/article.php?list=type&type=9 and type in
your information.  If you have difficulty (the web site is not quite
finished.), email your endorsement (name, occupation, location) to
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

2. SUPPORT the march.  Click
http://www.vetgulfmarch.org/article.php?list=type&type=6 and find how
to DONATE financial support (donate button on page) or in-kind support.
  We still have a substantial amount to raise, so this is very
important.

3. PUBLICIZE the march, by sending this along to as many individuals
and lists as you can.

4. HOST events (house parties to public venues) to raise support for
the march.  Contact Iraq Veterans Against the War http:/www.ivaw.net or
Veterans For Peace http://www.veteransforpeace.org to determine if
there are vets available to speak at your event.  Also contact The
Empowerment Project to obtain a copy of "Soldiers Speak Out"
http://www.empowermentproject.org (a 28-minute film featuring Iraq
Veterans Against the War) to use in conjunction with your event.

5. IF YOU ARE A VETERAN, A MILITARY FAMILY MEMBER, OR A GULF COAST
SURVIVOR, you are encouraged to JOIN part or all of THE MARCH.  See
details at <http://www.vetgulfmarch.org/article.php?list=type&type=5>.

***

Bush's Social Security Sleight of Hand
    By Allan Sloan
    The Washington Post
    Wednesday 08 February 2006

    If you read enough numbers, you never know what you'll find. Take
President Bush and private Social Security accounts.

    Last year, even though Bush talked endlessly about the supposed joys of
private accounts, he never proposed a specific plan to Congress and never
put privatization costs in the budget. But this year, with no fanfare
whatsoever, Bush stuck a big Social Security privatization plan in the
federal budget proposal, which he sent to Congress on Monday.

    His plan would let people set up private accounts starting in 2010 and
would divert more than $700 billion of Social Security tax revenues to pay
for them over the first seven years.

    If this comes as a surprise to you, have no fear. You're not alone. Bush
didn't pitch private Social Security accounts in his State of the Union
message last week.

    First, he drew a mocking standing ovation from Democrats by saying that
"Congress did not act last year on my proposal to save Social Security,"
even though, as I said, he'd never submitted specific legislation.

    Then he seemed to be kicking the Social Security problem a few years
down the road in typical Washington fashion when he asked Congress "to join
me in creating a commission to examine the full impact of baby boom
retirements on Social Security, Medicare and Medicaid," adding that the
commission would be bipartisan "and offer bipartisan solutions."

    But anyone who thought that Bush would wait for bipartisanship to deal
with Social Security was wrong. Instead, he stuck his own privatization
proposals into his proposed budget.

    "The Democrats were laughing all the way to the funeral of Social
Security modernization," White House spokesman Trent Duffy told me in an
interview Tuesday, but "the president still cares deeply about this. " Duffy
asserted that Bush would have been remiss not to include in the budget the
cost of something that he feels so strongly about, and he seemed surprised
at my surprise that Social Security privatization had been written into the
budget without any advance fanfare.

    Duffy said privatization costs were included in the midyear budget
update that the Office of Management and Budget released last July 30, so it
was logical for them to be in the 2007 budget proposals. But I sure didn't
see this coming - and I wonder how many people outside of the White House
did.

    Nevertheless, it's here. Unlike Bush's generalized privatization talk of
last year, we're now talking detailed numbers. On page 321 of the budget
proposal, you see the privatization costs: $24.182 billion in fiscal 2010,
$57.429 billion in fiscal 2011 and another $630.533 billion for the five
years after that, for a seven-year total of $712.144 billion.

    In the first year of private accounts, people would be allowed to divert
up to 4 percent of their wages covered by Social Security into what Bush
called "voluntary private accounts." The maximum contribution to such
accounts would start at $1,100 annually and rise by $100 a year through
2016.

    It's not clear how big a reduction in the basic benefit Social Security
recipients would have to take in return for being able to set up these
accounts, or precisely how the accounts would work.

    Bush also wants to change the way Social Security benefits are
calculated for most people by adopting so-called progressive indexing.
Lower-income people would continue to have their Social Security benefits
tied to wages, but the benefits paid to higher-paid people would be tied to
inflation.

    Wages have typically risen 1.1 percent a year more than inflation, so
over time, that disparity would give lower-paid and higher-paid people
essentially the same benefit. However, higher-paid workers would be paying
substantially more into the system than lower-paid people would.

    This means that although progressive indexing is an attractive idea from
a social-justice point of view, it would reduce Social Security's political
support by making it seem more like welfare than an earned benefit.

    Bush is right, of course, when he says in his budget proposal that
Social Security in its current form is unsustainable. But there are plenty
of ways to fix it besides offering private accounts as a substitute for part
of the basic benefit.

    Bush's 2001 Social Security commission had members of both parties, but
they had to agree in advance to support private accounts. Their report,
which had some interesting ideas, went essentially nowhere.

    What remains to be seen is whether this time around Bush follows through
on forming a bipartisan commission and whether he can get credible Democrats
to join it. Dropping numbers onto your opponents is a great way to stick
your finger in their eye. But will it get the Social Security job done?
That, my friends, is a whole other story.









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