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ZNet Commentary
Women in Iraq May 24, 2006
By Judy Rebick

"Last time we were here, we were worried about the terrorists killing
people," Ayas J. Majyd, General Secretary of the General Union of Students
in Iraq said, explaining what life is like in Baghdad. "Now it is just
people killing people."

He was speaking to a gathering of leaders of Iraqi social movements held
every two months in Amman, Jordan. I was invited there in mid-April, at
their request, to do training on what they call gender and what I call
feminism. It is a mixed group of student, worker, women's and ethnic
organizations that are trying against unimaginable odds to build a civil
society in Iraq. In this group there are three generations, 13 women and
seven men. The gathering is organized by Alternatives.

Before I went, I started to feel that I was giving new meaning to the cliché
"fools rush in where angels fear to tread." After all, what do I know about
organizing in a war zone where there is almost total lawlessness and where,
as one woman said, "Every day we leave our house, we don't know if we will
get back home."

But using the tools of feminist organizing and popular education, I figured
I could share some tools and strategies and maybe be of some assistance. It
seemed to me that a lot of the feminism brought to the Middle East by
Western feminists through NGOs and the United Nations is about increasing
women's participation in society through appointing and electing more women
into public institutions. While important, this does little to immediately
improve the lives of ordinary women.

As we began our discussion, 27-year-old Wafaa Mohamad of the group Iraqi
Rising Women, (who had just survived an attack by a taxi driver who robbed
her and was certainly intending to assault her until she jumped from his
slow-moving car) said, "How can we talk about gender equality, when we have
to rely on men to protect us." So one of the strategic questions of the day
was, "How can we organize without giving men all the power?"

But in the discussion on what the major barriers are to women's activism,
the answer that came through loud and clear was "tradition," by which they
meant patriarchal tradition that wants to keep women in the home. As one
young woman said, "I feel the courage to do my work because it is so
important; in my own organization I can stand up for myself but how do I
stand up in my family without being a bad girl?"

While we are all aware of the chaos in Baghdad, we hear very little about
what is happening to women there. Women in Iraq probably had more access to
education and work under what they call "the X regime" or Saddam Hussein's
regime than anywhere in the Middle East. Half of all university students
were women. Three of the 13 women in the room were professional engineers.
Now they are facing a terrible backslide from that equality.

In the new Iraqi constitution, it is illegal to pass any law that
contradicts the Koran, which is interpreted to mean that men beating the
women in their families are legally protected. Moreover, because of the
danger in daily life in Baghdad, fathers, husbands and brothers wanting to
protect their female relatives want them to stay home. Patriarchy can be
both protective and abusive but in both cases it limits the opportunities
for women.

Two of the older women there, Fatima Jassim and Shameran Adesho, are well
known feminist leaders who appear regularly in the media speaking about
women's rights. Survivors of the X regime, Fatima wears a chador to cover
the acid burns on her head from the torture she suffered. Every time we
speak, says Shameran, there are death threats. Between the violence mostly
coming from the supporters of the Saddam regime and the Islamists
(fundamentalist Muslims), organizing women seems like an almost impossible
task.

Iraqi Rising Women has developed house-to-house organizing as a technique so
we talk about consciousness-raising groups and developing political strategy
based on women's lives and the barriers they face. These women had read a
lot about feminism. They knew about all the issues like day care, equal pay
and so on but this was the first time they had heard about such ideas as
"the personal is political," or "consciousness-raising groups." It is also
the first time they have heard about Wen Do or women's self defense.

"You mean the men could be afraid of us?" asks Faten Abed, of the Engineers
Gathering to Support Reconstruction, with delight.

Over two days we developed a series of strategies based on mobilizing to
stop the violence against women in the streets and in the families. The
first step is to do a public campaign to train women in Baghdad in Wen Do,
women's self-defense. Deb Parent who has been doing Wen Do training in
Canada for decades has agreed to set up a "train the trainer" program in
Amman next fall. Then the Iraqi women's groups will lead a public campaign
so that everyone in Baghdad will know that hundreds and maybe thousands of
women have been trained in self-defense. This will begin a campaign to take
back the streets and make them safe again, led by women.

I can't think of two days that were better spent in my life. Meeting such
brave women and men, who are organizing against so many odds, being able to
work with them sharing tools that I've learned in organizing and training
and seeing how they picked them up and applied them to their own reality,
was incredibly inspiring.

Judy Rebick is the publisher of rabble.ca, where this article first
appeared.  She holds the Sam Gindin Chair in Social Justice and Democracy at
Ryerson University in Toronto. Her most recent book is Ten Thousand Roses:
The Making of a Feminist Revolution

***

http://www.truthout.org/docs_2006/052206A.shtml

Easily Dispensable: Iraq's Children
    By Dahr Jamail
    t r u t h o u t | Perspective
    Monday 22 May 2006

  Cherishing children is the mark of a civilized society.
  - Joan Ganz Cooney

    If, as I would like to believe, the above quote suggests all children
and not merely those born in Western democracies, I am no longer certain
that we live in a civilized society.

    That women and children suffer the most during times of war is not a new
phenomenon. It is a reality as old as war itself. What Rumsfeld, Rice and
other war criminals of the Cheney administration prefer to call "collateral
damage" translates in English as the inexcusable murder of and other
irreparable harm done to women, children and the elderly during any military
offensive.

    US foreign policy in the Middle East manifests itself most starkly in
its impact on the children of Iraq. It is they who continue to pay with
their lives and futures for the brutal follies of our administration.
Starvation under sanctions, and death and suffering during war and
occupation are their lot. Since the beginning of the occupation, Iraqi
children have been affected worst by the violence generated by the occupying
forces and the freedom fighters.

    While I had witnessed several instances of this from the time of my
first trip to Iraq in November 2003, I was shaken by a close encounter with
it, a year later, in November 2004.

    In a major Baghdad hospital, 12-year-old Fatima Harouz lay in her bed,
dazed, amidst a crowded hospital room. She limply waved her bruised arm at
the flies that buzzed over the bed. Her shins, shattered by bullets when
American soldiers fired through the front door of her house, were both
covered in casts. Small plastic drainage bags filled with red fluid sat upon
her abdomen, where she had taken shrapnel from another bullet.

    She was from Latifiya, a city just south of Baghdad. Three days before I
saw her, soldiers had attacked her home. Her mother, standing with us in the
hospital, said, "They attacked our home and there weren't even any
resistance fighters in our area." Her brother had been shot and killed, his
wife wounded, and their home ransacked by soldiers. "Before they left, they
killed all of our chickens," added Fatima's mother, her eyes a mixture of
fear, shock and rage. A doctor who was with us as Fatima's mother narrated
the story looked at me and sternly asked, "This is the freedom . in their
Disney Land are there kids just like this?"

    The doctors' anger was mild if we consider the magnitude of suffering
that has been inflicted upon the children of Iraq as a direct result of
first the US-backed sanctions and then the failed US occupation.

    In a report released by the United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) on
May 2nd of this year, one out of three Iraqi children is malnourished and
underweight.

    The report states that 25% of Iraqi children between the ages of six
months and five years old suffer from either acute or chronic malnutrition.
In addition, the Integrated Regional Information Network (IRIN) press
release on the matter added, "A 2004 Living Conditions Survey indicated a
decrease in mortality rates among children under five years old since 1999.
However, the results of a September 2005 Food Security and Vulnerability
Analysis - commissioned by Iraq's Central Organization for Statistics and
Information Technology, the World Food Program and UNICEF - showed worsening
conditions since the April 2003 US-led invasion of the country."

    Also this month, on May 15th , a news story about the same UN-backed
government survey highlighted that "people are struggling to cope three
years after US-forces overthrew Saddam Hussein." The report added that
"Children are ... major victims of food insecurity," and described the
situation as "alarming." The story continued, "A total of four million
Iraqis, roughly 15 percent of the population, were in dire need of
humanitarian aid including food, up from 11 percent in a 2003 report, the
survey of more than 20,000 Iraqi households found.. Decades of conflict and
economic sanctions have had serious effects on Iraqis. Their consequences
have been rising unemployment, illiteracy and, for some families, the loss
of wage earners."

  But the hearts of small children are delicate organs. A cruel beginning in
this world can twist them into curious shapes.
  - Carson McCullers

    Iraq's ministries of Health and Planning carried out the survey with
support from the UN World Food Program and UNICEF. A spokesman for UNICEF's
Iraq Support Center in Amman, Jordan, David Singh, told Reuters that the
number of acutely malnourished children in Iraq had more than doubled, from
4% during the last year of Saddam's rule to at least 9% in 2005. He also
said, "Until there is a period of relative stability in Iraq we are going to
continue to face these kinds of problems." UNICEF's special representative
for Iraq, Roger Wright, commenting on the dire effects of the situation,
said, "This can irreversibly hamper the young child's optimal
mental/cognitive development, not just their physical development."

    This past March, an article titled "Garbage Dump Second Home for Iraqi
Children" addressed the appalling situation in the northern,
Kurdish-controlled Iraqi city of Sulaimaniyah where young children assist
their families in searching the city garbage dumps. It said that children as
young as seven often accompany their parents to the dumps before school, in
order to look for reusable items such as shoes, clothing and electrical
equipment which is then resold in order to augment the family income.

    This disturbing news is not really news in Baghdad. Back in December
2004 I saw children living with their families in the main dump of the
capital city.

    Poverty in Iraq has plummeted acutely during the invasion and
occupation. Those who were already surviving on the margins due to years of
deprivation have sunk further, and the children of such families have
recourse to no nutrition, no health care, no education, no present and no
future. Those from less unfortunate backgrounds are now suffering because
the family wage earner has been killed, detained, or lost employment. Or the
source of the family's income, a shop, factory or farm have been destroyed,
or simply because it is impossible to feed a family under the existing
economic conditions of high costs and low to nil income in Iraq.

    As execrable as the current situation is for Iraqi children, most of the
world media, appallingly, does not see it as a story to be covered. Even
back in November 2004, surveys conducted by the UN, aid agencies and the
interim Iraqi government showed that acute malnutrition among young children
had nearly doubled since the US-led invasion took place in the spring of
2004.

    A Washington Post story, "Children Pay Cost of Iraq's Chaos," read,
"After the rate of acute malnutrition among children younger than 5 steadily
declined to 4 percent two years ago, it shot up to 7.7 percent this year,
according to a study conducted by Iraq's Health Ministry in cooperation with
Norway's Institute for Applied International Studies and the U.N.
Development Program. The new figure translates to roughly 400,000 Iraqi
children suffering from "wasting," a condition characterized by chronic
diarrhea and dangerous deficiencies of protein."

    Not only is the US occupation starving Iraq's children, but occupation
forces regularly detain them as well. It is common knowledge in Iraq that
there have been child prisoners in the most odious prisons, such as Abu
Ghraib, since early on in the occupation. While most, if not all, corporate
media outlets in the US have been loath to visit the subject, the Sunday
Herald in Scotland reported back in August 2004 that "coalition forces are
holding more than 100 children in jails such as Abu Ghraib. Witnesses claim
that the detainees - some as young as 10 - are also being subjected to rape
and torture."

    The story read, "It was early last October that Kasim Mehaddi Hilas says
he witnessed the rape of a boy prisoner aged about 15 in the notorious Abu
Ghraib prison in Iraq. 'The kid was hurting very bad and they covered all
the doors with sheets,' he said in a statement given to investigators
probing prisoner abuse in Abu Ghraib. 'Then, when I heard the screaming I
climbed the door . and I saw [the soldier's name is deleted] who was wearing
a military uniform." Hilas, who was himself threatened with being sexually
assaulted in Abu Ghraib, then described in horrific detail how the soldier
raped 'the little kid.'"

    The newspaper's investigation at that time concluded that there were as
many as 107 children being held by occupation forces, although their names
were not known, nor their location or the length of their detention.

    In June 2004 an internal UNICEF report, which was not made public, noted
widespread arrest and detention of Iraqi children by US and UK forces. A
section of the report titled "Children in Conflict with the Law or with
Coalition Forces," stated, "In July and August 2003, several meetings were
conducted with CPA (Coalition Provisional Authority) . and Ministry of
Justice to address issues related to juvenile justice and the situation of
children detained by the coalition forces . UNICEF is working through a
variety of channels to try and learn more about conditions for children who
are imprisoned or detained, and to ensure that their rights are respected."

    Another section of the report added, "Information on the number, age,
gender and conditions of incarceration is limited. In Basra and Karbala
children arrested for alleged activities targeting the occupying forces are
reported to be routinely transferred to an internee facility in Um Qasr. The
categorization of these children as 'internees' is worrying since it implies
indefinite holding without contact with family, expectation of trial or due
process." The report went on to add, "A detention centre for children was
established in Baghdad, where according to ICRC (International Committee of
the Red Cross) a significant number of children were detained. UNICEF was
informed that the coalition forces were planning to transfer all children in
adult facilities to this 'specialized' child detention centre. In July 2003,
UNICEF requested a visit to the centre but access was denied. Poor security
in the area of the detention centre has prevented visits by independent
observers like the ICRC since last December [2003]."

    A section of the report which I found very pertinent, as I'd already
witnessed this occurring in Iraq, stated, "The perceived unjust detention of
Iraqi males, including youths, for suspected activities against the
occupying forces has become one of the leading causes for the mounting
frustration among Iraqi youth and the potential for radicalization of this
population group."

    On December 17, 2003, at the al-Shahid Adnan Kherala secondary school in
Baghdad, I witnessed US forces detain 16 children who had held a mock,
non-violent, pro-Saddam Hussein the previous day. While forces from the
First Armored Division sealed the school with two large tanks, helicopters,
several Bradley fighting vehicles and at least 10 Humvees, soldiers loaded
the children into a covered truck and drove them to their base. Meanwhile,
the rest of the students remained locked inside the school until the US
military began to exit the area.

    Shortly thereafter the doors were unlocked, releasing the frightened
students who flocked out the doors. The youngest were 12 years old, and none
of the students were older than 18. They ran out, many in tears, while
others were enraged as they kicked and shook the front gate. My interpreter
and I were surrounded by frenzied students who yelled, "This is the
democracy? This is the freedom? You see what the Americans are doing to us
here?"

    Another student cried out to us, "They took several of my friends! Why
are they taking them to prison? For throwing rocks?" A few blocks away we
spoke with a smaller group of students who had run from the school (in
panic). One student who was crying yelled to me, "Why are they doing this to
us? We are only kids!"

    The tanks and Bradley fighting vehicles that were guarding the perimeter
of the school began to rumble down the street beside us, on their passage
out. Several young boys with tears streaming down their faces picked up
stones and hurled them at the tanks as they drove by. Imagine my horror when
I saw the US soldiers on top of the Bradleys begin firing their M-16's above
our heads as we ducked inside a taxi. A soldier on another Bradley, behind
the first, passed and fired randomly above our heads as well. Kids and
pedestrians ran for cover into the shops and wherever possible.

    I remember a little boy, not more than 13 years old, holding a stone and
standing at the edge of the street glaring at the Bradleys as they rumbled
past. Another soldier riding atop another passing Bradley pulled out his
pistol and aimed it at the boy's head and kept him in his sights until the
vehicle rolled out of sight.

    One of the students hiding behind our taxi screamed to me, "Who are the
terrorists here now? You have seen this yourself! We are school kids!"

    The very next month, in January 2004, I was in an area on the outskirts
of Baghdad that had been pulverized by "Operation Iron Grip." I spoke with a
man at his small farm house. His three year old boy, Halaf Ziad Halaf,
walked up to me and with a worried look on his face said, "I have seen the
Americans here with their tanks. They want to attack us."

    His uncle, who had joined us for tea, leaned over to me and said, "The
Americans are creating the terrorists here by hurting people and causing
their relatives to fight against them. Even this little boy will grow up
hating the Americans because of their policy here."

    The slaughter, starvation, detention, torture and sexual assault of
Iraq's children at the hands of US soldiers or by proxy via US foreign
policy, is not a recent phenomenon. It is true that the present US
administration has been brazen and blatant in its crimes in Iraq, but those
willing to bear witness must not forget that Bill Clinton and his minions
played an equally, if not even more devastating role in the assault on the
children of Iraq.

    On May 12, 1996, Clinton's Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was
asked by Lesley Stahl on "60 Minutes" about the effects of US sanctions
against Iraq, "We have heard that a half million children have died. I mean,
that's more children than died in Hiroshima. And, you know, is the price
worth it?"

    In a response which has now become notorious, Albright replied, "I think
this is a very hard choice, but the price - we think the price is worth it."

  We are guilty of many errors and many faults but our worst crime is
abandoning the children, neglecting the fountain of life. Many of the things
we need can wait. The child cannot. Right now is the time his bones are
being formed, his blood is being made, and his senses are being developed.
To him we cannot answer "Tomorrow." His name is "Today."
  - Gabriela Mistral

    To all Americans who, despite voluminous evidence to the contrary,
continue to believe that they are supporting a war for democracy in Iraq, I
would like to say, the way Iraq is headed it will have little use for
democracy and freedom. We must find ways to stop the immoral, soulless,
repugnant occupation if we want the children of Iraq to see any future at
all.

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
    Dahr Jamail is an independent journalist who spent over 8 months
reporting from occupied Iraq. He presented evidence of US war crimes in Iraq
at the International Commission of Inquiry on Crimes Against Humanity
Committed by the Bush Administration in New York City in January 2006. He
writes regularly for TruthOut, Inter Press Service, Asia Times and
TomDispatch, and maintains his own web site, dahrjamailiraq.com.









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