Hi.  I try to use weekend mailings for topics of an enduring life and
impact.  This is definitely one of those.  -Ed

Progreso Weekly - Sep 28, 2006
http://www.progresoweekly.com/index.php?progreso=Eduardo_Dimas&otherweek=1159419600

Farewell to Kofi Annan

The UN: Between reform and continuity

By Eduardo Dimas

A long time ago, a well-known diplomat with a long trajectory in
international relations, by now dead, said to me -- perhaps in a moment of
sincerity, something unusual among people in his profession -- that the
United Nations Organization was inoperable but it was the best the world
community could come up with to maintain a certain balance among the
interests of the states.

And he added: "In the final analysis, the U.N. was what the major powers
wanted it to be." He alluded, of course, to the five permanent members of
the Security Council, especially to the United States and the Soviet Union,
the two superpowers at the time.

Twenty or more years have passed since that confession, but life has proven
him right. Perhaps he didn't say -- for a better definition, such as the
one made recently by a working diplomat -- that the U.N. is the mirror that
sometimes reflects, sometimes in a form distorted by political discourse,
the relations between the states, the interests of some, big and small.

It is a place where the contradictions emerging from those interests are
either resolved or worsened, according to the prevailing correlation of
strengths and, above all, to the desires of the permanent members of the
Security Council who regularly negotiate in private their differences,
agree or not and almost always avoid confrontations that might cause them
mutual difficulties.

Since its creation in 1945, the U.N. has maintained the same structures,
plus a few additions, and the same Charter that regulates its operations
and the relationships between states. The world has changed substantially
in these 61 years, for good and evil, but the U.N. hasn't. What worked and
was positive at one time, no longer does or is. And, as in everything
related to the development of humanity, there are forces that want to keep
it the way it is because it's convenient to their interests; other forces,
numerous but weak, aspire to a greater democracy in its decisions.

There are also those who would like to see it disappear. You don't have to
be very shrewd to figure out who those people are: they're the ones who
want to turn the world into a private landholding to further their
interests.

People have been talking about reforming the U.N. for more than 10 years,
ever since its 50th birthday. In 1945, only 52 states signed its
Constitution, because the rest were colonies or had been on the side of the
World War II losers. That was the case of Germany, Japan and Italy. The
process of decolonization, still unfinished, and the dismembering of some
unions, such as the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, boosted the number of
members to 192.

However, the foremost world organization continues to maintain the same
structure, the same levels of decision that make it particularly
antidemocratic in the present state of affairs.

It is paradoxical, and absolutely unfair, that the resolutions adopted by
the General Assembly, where all 192 members have a voice and a vote, are
not mandatory, whereas the resolutions passed in the Security Council,
formed by 15 member nations and particularly by the five with a right to
veto, are of mandatory observance for all states.

If only one of the permanent members vetoes a resolution, no matter how
important it may be for humanity as a whole, the resolution cannot be
adopted.

Different criteria exist to reform the U.N. Some governments, or groups of
governments, have posited that the reform needs to turn the General
Assembly, the most democratic element of the organization, into the only
body that can adopt mandatory decisions either by a simple majority or by
two thirds of the votes.

Others, knowing that the abovementioned proposal would be rejected by the
great powers, suggest that the number of permanent members with a right to
veto be raised to nine or 11.

Some favor raising the number of permanent members without a right to veto.
Other governments -- and their numbers are rising -- say that if you want
to democratize the U.N. you must eliminate the right to veto that permits
only five nations (the United States, United Kingdom, France, China and
Russia, all nuclear powers) to have a greater power of decision over world
events than the other 187 countries.

However, because "whoever writes the laws writes the loopholes," the U.N.
Charter itself has a clause that says that any change in the structure of
that entity or in its decision-making system has to be approved -- guess
what -- by the five permanent members of the Security Council.

Catch 22, wouldn't you say? So, I "venture" to predict that the reforms
sought by the majority of the U.N. members will wait until hell freezes
over, unless the correlation of world forces changes drastically -- and
that's not visible in the foreseeable future.

It is evident that the pressures to reform the U.N. will continue on the
part of the nations in the so-called Third World and several developed
countries (some of them not so developed) that consider themselves entitled
to become permanent members of the Security Council. Brazil, South Africa,
Japan and Germany have created a mutual-assistance bloc to achieve that
objective.

Have they the right to do so? Unquestionably. Japan and Germany are the
second- and third-largest world economies, whereas Brazil and South Africa
are the most developed countries in South America and Africa. India, with
more than 1 billion inhabitants and the possessor of nuclear arms, has an
equal right. Italy hopes that the Security Council seats reserved for
Europe will rotate and that France and the United Kingdom resign their
permanent membership. That's difficult to even contemplate. As you see, the
outlook is quite complex.

Meanwhile, new ideas emerge to change the voting system and reform the U.N.
The White House, through its spokesmen, has suggested that the voting
system be proportional to the amount of money each country contributes to
the U.N.'s upkeep, in the manner of the International Monetary Fund.

The U.S. pays for almost 25 percent of the U.N. budget, so the U.S. would
be the country with the largest number of votes. In the same manner, the
Americans want to apply corporate formulas to the U.N.'s operation to make
that body more effective. That proposal has been rejected by a huge
majority of the countries, among them several permanent members of the
Security Council.

Some days ago, John Bolton, Washington's handpicked ambassador to the
United Nations, said that if the U.N. is not reformed, the U.S. will take
whatever steps are convenient to its interests. One of them would be to
reduce its funding quota, which is calculated on the basis of its Gross
Domestic Product. Unless other countries can take up the slack, the
American cutback could bankrupt the United Nations, already in a financial
crisis.

The worst aspect is not the United Nations' economic situation but its loss
of credibility, to the degree that the more powerful nations, led by the
U.S., have imposed their agendas and double standards at the time they
settle international conflicts. This is not at all new, but it becomes more
visible now that only one superpower is trying to impose its interests.

A typical example of that double standard is the case of Iran, whose
nuclear development has been artificially converted by the U.S. into an
international problem so it can apply sanctions to the Persian nation,
among them the military option. In turn, Indian, Pakistan and Israel
possess nuclear weapons but have not been the targets of sanctions from the
Security Council or the U.S. And none of the other permanent members have
requested sanctions.

In his farewell speech to the U.N. General Assembly, Secretary General Kofi
Annan said, referring to the Palestinian-Israeli conflict that, as long as
the Security Council is incapable of ending that conflict, after almost 40
years of Israeli occupation, "respect for the U.N. will continue to
decline."

Later, he said: "We should all play our roles in a true, multilateral world
order, within a renewed and dynamic United Nations." Under the current
circumstances, that will be hard to achieve. The Secretary General himself
is not immune to the discredit suffered by the world organization.

Annan's words reminded me of the statement made by Richard Perle, former
Pentagon aide and one of the key creators of the Project for the New
American Century, in an article published shortly after the invasion of
Iraq: "Thank God, the U.N. is dead." And they reminded me of another
statement, by the U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations, John Bolton, to
the effect that if the 10 top floors of the U.N. building were lopped off,
absolutely nothing would happen.

Is the objective of the current White House administration to put an end to
the United Nations? The appointment of Bolton, a bitter enemy of the U.N.,
without the approval of the U.S. Senate, has led many to believe that such
was the true intent of the W. Bush administration -- unless the United
Nations becomes an appendix of Washington's foreign policy.

As I finish this article, I learn of the detention at John F. Kennedy
Airport in New York of Ricardo Maduro, Foreign Minister of Venezuela, in an
act that might be casual but that has all the characteristics of being a
clumsy and stupid provocation. According to international law, a diplomatic
functionary is entitled to immunity.

Added to this is the revelation by President Hugo Chávez to the General
Assembly that his security personnel and personal physician were denied
entry to the United States. And that wasn't the only instance. These acts
are totally contrary to the obligations of the U.S. government as host to
the United Nations. Is the current administration creating the conditions
to remove the U.N. from U.S. soil because Washington is unable to achieve
its designs? Given the characteristics of the W. Bush administration, it
all seems possible to me.

In the meantime, the efforts by Third World countries to reform and
democratize the U.N. continue. That was one of the unanimous accords
reached at the 14th Summit of the Nonaligned Movement -- also at the 12th
and 13th summits. We should ask ourselves what will happen at the U.N. if
its converted (despite protests) into a kind of conduit for the interests
of the most powerful nations, yet it remains the only organization where
imperial pressures and blackmails can be denounced.

Without the U.N., humanity would return to the era of gunboat diplomacy
that characterized the 19th Century and the first half of the 20th Century
and led to World War II. Some important figures in the United States' far
right, like Newt Gingrich and James Wooley, say that World War III has
already begun. If that is so, the United Nations are an impediment.
Therefore, we should make every effort to conserve, transform and
strengthen it, lest we return to the era of colonialism under new
disguises. As usual, I invite you to meditate.








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