From: [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject: [NYTr] End the Israeli Occupation: June 10 Organizers Reply
to Tikkun

Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation
http://www.endtheoccupation.org/article.php?id=1357

Letter of Response to Tikkun

April 30, 2007

Rabbi Michael Lerner
Tikkun Community
2342 Shattuck Avenue #1200
Berkeley, CA 94704

Dear Rabbi Lerner,

On behalf of the US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation and United
for Peace and Justice, we are writing to reassert our position and
vision for the mobilization that our coalitions are organizing in
Washington, DC on June 10-11 to commemorate the 40th anniversary of
Israel's illegal military occupation of the Palestinian West Bank, Gaza
Strip, and East Jerusalem.  We also would like to express our profound
disappointment with your mischaracterizations of the June 10th and 11th
actions. In an introductory note that you wrote to an article by Uri
Avnery, entitled "How the Anti-Israel Left Helps Perpetuate the
Occupation", you state that "many" of the organizers of this
mobilization are united around the "dissolution of the State of Israel".

First of all, as you are likely aware, both of our coalitions are
working to end those very US policies that support and sustain Israel's
military occupation.  Neither the US Campaign nor UFPJ prescribe any
particular political resolution for the Israel/Palestine conflict.
That is because we believe that as US-based coalitions, we need to
focus our efforts not on dictating to Palestinians and Israelis how to
end the occupation and create a just, lasting and comprehensive peace,
but rather on building a movement to reorient our own country's foreign
policy so that it supports a just peace based on human rights,
international law, and equal rights for all. We take great offense at
your implication that our coalitions are helping to perpetuate Israel's
military occupation.

Second, your claim that "many" of the organizers of the mobilization are
united around the "dissolution of the State of Israel" is inaccurate.
As you are likely aware, the only principles upon which the more than
200 endorsing organizations are united on are:

* An end to US military, economic, diplomatic, and corporate support for
Israel's illegal military occupation of the Palestinian West Bank, Gaza
Strip, and East Jerusalem.

* A change in US policy to one that supports a just peace between
Palestinians and Israelis based on equality, human rights and
international law, and the full implementation of all relevant UN
resolutions.

These are the exact same points of unity with which we approached Tikkun
back in December 2006 to see if your organization would have liked then
to have joined the US Campaign and UFPJ as an original endorsing
organization of this mobilization.  You were even given the opportunity
to provide feedback before the call to action went public; however,
Tikkun declined to participate.

We are concerned that a leader of a progressive spiritual movement would
choose to interpret these broadly supported political demands as a call
for the "dissolution of the State of Israel."  It is particularly
ironic because powerful organizations on the pro-Israeli right-those
organizations which actually are working to perpetuate Israel's
military occupation-do not even go so far in their condemnations of
this mobilization.  For example, the "Anti-Defamation League" states
only that they are concerned that we will not provide a "balanced view
of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict" during the mobilization.  Why you
feel the need to outdo the ADL in your condemnation of our effort is
beyond our understanding.

It is a real shame that Tikkun continues to sit on its hands
"discussing how to commemorate the 40th anniversary of the Occupation
of the West Bank" rather than join with the US Campaign and UFPJ to
make that commemoration a powerful and real protest against continuing
US support for occupation.  We believe that Tikkun should help build up
this historic mobilization, rather than try to tear it down.  We
believe Tikkun should in fact put its own Core Vision to action when it
states that the United States should use its "influence and economic
power" to end Israel's military occupation and that "We will support
efforts to convince the United States to condition aid to Israel on the
end of the Occupation."

Several Tikkun chapters have already endorsed this mobilization and
several Tikkun supporters have copied one of us on email communications
with you that urged you to retract your false statements about our
mobilization and instead join with us to make it a success.  We hope
that you take this opportunity to do so and that we can all unite on
June 10-11 in Washington, DC to end US support for Israel's illegal
military occupation of the Palestinian West Bank, East Jerusalem, and
Gaza Strip, and change US policy to support a just peace based on human
rights and international law.

Sincerely yours,

Josh Ruebner Grassroots Advocacy Coordinator
US Campaign to End the Israeli Occupation

Leslie Cagan National Coordinator
United for Peace and Justice

***

http://www.latimes.com/news/opinion/la-oe-bishara3may03,0,2351340.story?coll=la-opinion-center

Why Israel is After Me
LA Times Op-Ed: May 3, 2007

By Azmi Bishara, AZMI BISHARA was a member of the Knesset until his
resignation in April.


Amman, Jordan - I AM A PALESTINIAN from Nazareth, a citizen of Israel and
was, until last month, a member of the Israeli parliament.

But now, in an ironic twist reminiscent of France's Dreyfus affair - in
which a French Jew was accused of disloyalty to the state - the government
of Israel is accusing me of aiding the enemy during Israel's failed war
against Lebanon in July.

Israeli police apparently suspect me of passing information to a foreign
agent and of receiving money in return. Under Israeli law, anyone - a
journalist or a personal friend - can be defined as a "foreign agent" by the
Israeli security apparatus. Such charges can lead to life imprisonment or
even the death penalty.

The allegations are ridiculous. Needless to say, Hezbollah - Israel's enemy
in Lebanon - has independently gathered more security information about
Israel than any Arab Knesset member could possibly provide. What's more,
unlike those in Israel's parliament who have been involved in acts of
violence, I have never used violence or participated in wars. My instruments
of persuasion, in contrast, are simply words in books, articles and
speeches.

These trumped-up charges, which I firmly reject and deny, are only the
latest in a series of attempts to silence me and others involved in the
struggle of the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel to live in a state of
all its citizens, not one that grants rights and privileges to Jews that it
denies to non-Jews.

When Israel was established in 1948, more than 700,000 Palestinians were
expelled or fled in fear. My family was among the minority that escaped that
fate, remaining instead on the land where we had long lived. The Israeli
state, established exclusively for Jews, embarked immediately on
transforming us into foreigners in our own country.

For the first 18 years of Israeli statehood, we, as Israeli citizens, lived
under military rule with pass laws that controlled our every movement. We
watched Jewish Israeli towns spring up over destroyed Palestinian villages.

Today we make up 20% of Israel's population. We do not drink at separate
water fountains or sit at the back of the bus. We vote and can serve in the
parliament. But we face legal, institutional and informal discrimination in
all spheres of life.

More than 20 Israeli laws explicitly privilege Jews over non-Jews. The Law
of Return, for example, grants automatic citizenship to Jews from anywhere
in the world. Yet Palestinian refugees are denied the right to return to the
country they were forced to leave in 1948. The Basic Law of Human Dignity
and Liberty - Israel's "Bill of Rights" - defines the state as "Jewish"
rather than a state for all its citizens. Thus Israel is more for Jews
living in Los Angeles or Paris than it is for native Palestinians.

Israel acknowledges itself to be a state of one particular religious group.
Anyone committed to democracy will readily admit that equal citizenship
cannot exist under such conditions.

Most of our children attend schools that are separate but unequal. According
to recent polls, two-thirds of Israeli Jews would refuse to live next to an
Arab and nearly half would not allow a Palestinian into their home.

I have certainly ruffled feathers in Israel. In addition to speaking out on
the subjects above, I have also asserted the right of the Lebanese people,
and of Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza Strip, to resist Israel's
illegal military occupation. I do not see those who fight for freedom as my
enemies.

This may discomfort Jewish Israelis, but they cannot deny us our history and
identity any more than we can negate the ties that bind them to world Jewry.
After all, it is not we, but Israeli Jews who immigrated to this land.
Immigrants might be asked to give up their former identity in exchange for
equal citizenship, but we are not immigrants.

During my years in the Knesset, the attorney general indicted me for voicing
my political opinions (the charges were dropped), lobbied to have my
parliamentary immunity revoked and sought unsuccessfully to disqualify my
political party from participating in elections - all because I believe
Israel should be a state for all its citizens and because I have spoken out
against Israeli military occupation. Last year, Cabinet member Avigdor
Lieberman - an immigrant from Moldova - declared that Palestinian citizens
of Israel "have no place here," that we should "take our bundles and get
lost." After I met with a leader of the Palestinian Authority from Hamas,
Lieberman called for my execution.

The Israeli authorities are trying to intimidate not just me but all
Palestinian citizens of Israel. But we will not be intimidated. We will not
bow to permanent servitude in the land of our ancestors or to being severed
from our natural connections to the Arab world. Our community leaders joined
together recently to issue a blueprint for a state free of ethnic and
religious discrimination in all spheres. If we turn back from our path to
freedom now, we will consign future generations to the discrimination we
have faced for six decades.

Americans know from their own history of institutional discrimination the
tactics that have been used against civil rights leaders. These include
telephone bugging, police surveillance, political delegitimization and
criminalization of dissent through false accusations. Israel is continuing
to use these tactics at a time when the world no longer tolerates such
practices as compatible with democracy.

Why then does the U.S. government continue to fully support a country whose
very identity and institutions are based on ethnic and religious
discrimination that victimize its own citizens?







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