----- Original Message ----- 
From: Jeff Blankfort

"Wednesday's visit provided a rare glimpse of the former prime minister as
he goes about what some have called his "mission impossible". It might also
be described as a mission invisible - his profile so uncharacteristically
low he has all but disappeared, apart from a couple of bland interviews with
Palestinian and Israeli media.

"Khaled Amayreh, a Palestinian journalist sympathetic to the Islamist
movement Hamas, is unlikely to be granted one. "I wanted to ask Mr Blair
what future Muslim generations will think of him after what he did in Iraq,"
he fumed in vain outside the town hall. "I wanted to ask if he believes
economic prosperity will bribe Palestinians to give up Jerusalem and their
right of return."

http://www.guardian.co.uk/israel/Story/0,,2190320,00.html

The honeymoon is ending on 'mission impossible'

As he gets to grips with the extent of his task as a peace envoy, the former
prime minister is said to be astonished and appalled by life in the West
Bank

Ian Black in Hebron
The Guardian: Saturday October 13, 2007


It was early afternoon and still uncomfortably hot when the convoy rolled
up, sirens wailing, outside the town hall. Machine-gun toting Palestinian
policemen in blue mottled camouflage gear surrounded a white four-wheel
drive as the VIP stepped out, his familiar features creased into a broad
grin of welcome for the waiting dignitaries.

"Welcome to Hebron, Mr Blair," declared the mayor, Khaled Osaily, before
they disappeared into the sand-coloured building, screened by security men
as headscarved schoolgirls giggled their way past Ramadan fairy lights. The
Israeli army jeeps that escorted the visitor in had hung back discreetly for
the final stretch.

Large parts of the West Bank's "city of the patriarchs" were ceded to
Palestinian control a decade ago when Yasser Arafat was enjoying the mixed
blessings of the Oslo self-rule agreement - which left 400 hardline, armed
Jewish settlers in Hebron's ancient centre.

Mr Blair, the representative of the Quartet group of Middle East
peacemakers, heard a good deal about their violent provocations. "Our
briefing on the problems caused by the settlers was not brief," Mr Osaily
quipped afterwards.

"Mr Blair was appalled by what we told him," said Mats Lignell, spokesman
for the international observers stationed here "temporarily" in 1994 after a
Jewish extremist from the nearby settlement of Kiryat Arba massacred 29
Palestinians praying in the Ibrahimi Mosque.

Wednesday's visit provided a rare glimpse of the former prime minister as he
goes about what some have called his "mission impossible". It might also be
described as a mission invisible - his profile so uncharacteristically low
he has all but disappeared, apart from a couple of bland interviews with
Palestinian and Israeli media.

Khaled Amayreh, a Palestinian journalist sympathetic to the Islamist
movement Hamas, is unlikely to be granted one. "I wanted to ask Mr Blair
what future Muslim generations will think of him after what he did in Iraq,"
he fumed in vain outside the town hall. "I wanted to ask if he believes
economic prosperity will bribe Palestinians to give up Jerusalem and their
right of return."

Despite his low profile, Mr Blair has had to learn fast since starting work
in July. The outward silence shrouds a learning curve that has been steep
and shocking since the envoy began work in July.

Angry

"Blair was really astonished and angry," says the UN official who gave him a
presentation on the devastating effects of Israel's "security barrier",
settlements, checkpoints, and closures on the lives of Palestinians in the
occupied territories. "He asked very smart questions, though I did think
that someone who was prime minister for so long should already have known
these facts."

Unlike his many British, western and Arab critics, the Palestinian
government at least seems pleased that Mr Blair is on the case. He told
Mahmoud Abbas, the president, that he faced opposition because he was too
close to the Americans and Israelis. "That's the point in having you here,"
Abbas replied. Ordinary people are largely indifferent.

Mr Blair's pitch is that it is vital to quickly build up the capacity of the
Palestinians to run their state, and boost an economy hobbled by Israeli
restrictions - however difficult the political track of the peace process
and whatever the outcome of the Annapolis conference Condoleezza Rice, the
US secretary of state, is convening next month.

He is being careful to stick to his Quartet mandate of economic development
and governance - leaving the core political issues such as settlements,
Jerusalem and final borders to Ms Rice, who he believes is committed to
working intensively for a peace deal. "Condi's got religion," he has told
friends.

Unsurprisingly, he sees himself as a big player, impatient with lawyerly
arguments about the small print and diplomatic turf wars. "We cannot
separate the politics and security issues, which interact and overlap," he
said in an interview with the Palestinian newspaper Al-Quds on his third
visit this week.

"Blair can certainly do something useful if someone else is trying to push
the political agenda forward," says Ghassan Khatib, a former Palestinian
minister. "Economics and security are the two things that will make or break
any Palestinian government. These are the only possible areas for progress -
apart from the politics."

With memories of Downing Street fading, Mr Blair now spends about a week a
month working from East Jerusalem's lovely old American Colony hotel.

Its whitewashed walls are covered with sepia-tinted pictures of the British
general Sir Edmund Allenby, who defeated the Turks in Palestine 90 years
ago - months after the Balfour Declaration promising a "national home" for
the Jewish people set in train the events that created today's conflict.

Instead of policemen there are blue-uniformed UN guards at the door - and a
steel grille. Visitors to his offices sit on a spacious roof terrace
screened from view by newly-planted olive and fir saplings. A running
machine has been brought in to ensure the boss can keep fit in days packed
with meetings.

The sofas are ornate, gilded and appropriately Ottoman-looking. Secrets,
though, may be hard to keep: the evening Mr Blair arrived I spotted Ehud
Barak, the Israeli defence minister, slipping quietly out of the back door.
Palestinian journalists were intrigued to see allies of the popular jailed
Fatah leader Marwan Barghouti leaving after talks.

Policy advice comes from a 14-strong multinational team. A US state
department official, a Spaniard loaned from the European commission, a Dutch
economist and a Norwegian work alongside UN experts and a couple of FO
Brits.

The British embassy organised the first visit, but now the mission is
self-supporting. "He works as much for the Poles as for us," sniffed a UK
diplomat. Projected first-year costs for the Jerusalem office, staff and
security (including armoured cars) are around $8m (£3.9m), and met from a
UN-administered trust fund.

Attention is focused on plans for a detailed Palestinian "national economic
and development agenda" to be presented to an international donor conference
in December. The "ownership" will be Palestinian but Mr Blair is driving it.
"He knows he has to produce some quick results," says an official. "He
doesn't have long to make an impact."

Japanese investment

Work is being done on linking up several existing projects. The headline
concept, dear to the heart of the Israeli president, Shimon Peres, is a
"secure economic zone" for the Jericho area, where there is already a
Japanese-financed plan for an agribusiness park and improved export access
across the (Israeli-controlled) Allenby bridge to Jordan, en route for Gulf
markets.

Jericho is easy because it is small and quiet and there is no Israeli
security presence in town. The downside, says Mr Khatib, is that it is
simply too small to make a difference.

Salam Fayyad, the Palestinian economist appointed prime minister after the
Hamas takeover of Gaza in June, had been keen to see an ambitious initiative
in Nablus, the West Bank's commercial capital and largest city. But Mr
Blair's view is that is too tough a nut to crack: the city is surrounded by
Israeli checkpoints and there are regular raids by the Israeli army and Shin
Bet security service.

His conclusion reflects intensive talks with the key Israeli players: Ehud
Olmert, the prime minister; Mr Barak, and the army chief of staff. He has
also met Olmert's coalition partner, the far-right Yisrael Beitenu leader
Avigdor Lieberman, who opposes any concessions, wants to remove Israel's
Arab citizens - and is threatening to bring the government down.

In the words of Zahi Khouri, one of several Palestinian businessmen advising
Mr Blair: "He's trying to find ways to revitalise the Palestinian economy
while being sensitive to the Israeli paranoia about security." That
apparently also means not tackling the West Bank barrier either - at least
for now.

Many Palestinians say they are not remotely surprised. "Why should Blair
suddenly become bold when he was so timid when he was in power?" asks Salim
Tamari, a professor at Bir Zeit university near Ramallah.

The Blair team is also pushing plans - training, financing, restructuring -
to ensure the ramshackle Palestinian security forces operate more
effectively. Legal and judicial reforms are needed too. The theory is that
more professional troops and police will be able to tackle militant groups
such as the al-Aqsa Martyrs Brigades. That done, Israel could allow goods to
move freely, creating jobs, attracting investment and loosening the
stranglehold of occupation.

In practice, the key question is whether Mr Barak, more hawkish than Mr
Olmert, will deliver the goods that were denied to Jim Wolfensohn, Mr
Blair's predecessor as the Quartet envoy, who failed because Israel would
never respect the key agreement on "movement and access" negotiated by Ms
Rice.

Personal chemistry

Mr Barak and Mr Blair get on well, but personal chemistry is not enough. "If
the Israelis won't even move one roadblock near Nablus what hope is there
that they will give us East Jerusalem and 90% of the West Bank?" shrugs a
leading Abbas aide.

Crucially, Mr Blair is keeping away from the Gaza Strip, which is under
international boycott and cut off from the West Bank since Hamas took over.

He has said privately that Israel and the Palestinian Authority will
eventually have to talk to the Islamists. The hope is that success in the
West Bank will demonstrate the achievements of the moderates and weaken
Hamas - ignoring evidence, from Iraq and elsewhere, that sanctions and
collective punishment do not work.

The obvious danger is that an already disastrous humanitarian situation in
Gaza will continue to deteriorate (with Qassam rockets inviting Israeli
retaliation at any moment); that Mr Abbas and Mr Fayyad will not have enough
to show for their efforts; and that the Annapolis conference will crash in
flames.

It does not seem too gloomy to predict that Mr Blair's low-profile Middle
Eastern honeymoon may not have much longer to run.

"It's difficult for him to present a detailed plan because that's the point
both sides will start pelting him with rotten eggs and tomatoes since
neither will like what he's suggesting," says a senior Israeli official.

"He's in a terrific position as long as he's just working quietly,
consulting and listening. The moment he puts something on the table is the
moment his problems begin."

***

Sent by Marcy Winograd: [EMAIL PROTECTED]

LA City Council Adopts Resolution To End Iraq War (msnbc.com)
Resolution Calls For Withdrawal Of All U.S. Troops From Iraq

LOS ANGELES -- The Los Angeles City Council adopted a resolution Tuesday
calling for an end to the war in Iraq, making it the largest city in the
nation to make such a call.

"Today the city of Los Angeles is sending a message loud and clear -end the
war in Iraq," Councilman Bill Rosendahl said, drawing cheers from an
anti-war audience packing the council chamber.

"We are calling for an immediate and complete withdrawal of United States
military personnel from Iraq," said Rosendahl, who introduced the
resolution. "We have lost too many of our young men and women to this
illegal and unjust war."

The resolution passed on a 12-2 vote, with Dennis Zine and Greig Smith
dissenting. Councilman Jose Huizar was not present for the vote.

Rosendahl said that among the more than 3,500 members of the military who
have died in Iraq, 409 came from California, including 115 from the Los
Angeles area and 25 from the city.

"Supporting our troops does not mean keeping them in Iraq," he said.
"Supporting our troops means taking them out of this war and bringing them
home."

Rosendahl said the expense of fighting the war has meant that more than $4.5
billion in tax revenues have been diverted from Los Angeles.

"This war has diverted funds that could be used for important domestic needs
that would improve the quality of life for Los Angeles residents," he said.
------------------------------------------------------
>From Lillian Laskin of Westside Progressives

Hi Everyone,

The City Council chambers were filled with concerned citizens supporting a
resolution to the members of Congress in Wash., D.C. to get the U.S. "Out of
Iraq!"  About a dozen of us spoke: Tim Goodrich, Clay Claybourne (veterans),
Martin Rubin (the environment), Jodie Evans (Code Pink), Peter Throttan, and
I, to mention a few.  I was the only one representing the Westside
Progressive Dems. I saw Palisadians for Peace (Sandy and Ullie and Maureen
Cruise), Greens, Latinos, AFSC, and Code Pink people. A 10th grade student
female was sitting next to me; she is in a government program at her school
and was brought today to see "government in action".

I said that our club has already passed a resolution urging withdrawal from
Iraq. I gave a few of the reasons why our city council members must pass
this resolution.  It was heartwarming to see the support of the vast
majority of the council-people.  Only Dennis Zine and Greg Smith voted
against it.  Bill Rosendahl is a committed progressive; he is building
respect and admiration from far and wide. He spoke to a lot of us in the
hall afterwards and thanked all of us, and said he still strongly supports
impeachment.  Oh yes, when he stood up before the Council to urge their
support, he said that he is ashamed of Nancy Pelosi and the Democrats in
Washington for letting this bloody, ugly occupation continue.

Hurray!

Lillian Laskin











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