(JAI:  Wilson lays out the economic base for the rise of the anti-social 
behavior to be found in contemporary black society in America.  The below is a 
review, not totally favorable, but which lays out most, if not all, of the key 
propositions in his study.  This is a most important book)

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/William_Julius_Wilson
      Date:
     Tue, 12 Apr 1994 14:09:47 -0500 
     

 

      From:
     "Laura Long" <[EMAIL PROTECTED]> (by way of [EMAIL PROTECTED] (Gary 
Klass)) 
     

 

      Subject:
     Review of William Julius Wilson (Long) 
     

Review of William Julius Wilson, THE TRULY DISADVANTAGED 
Reviewed by Laura Long, [EMAIL PROTECTED] 
Illinois State University 
4/12/94 
  

When was the last time you were in a ghetto? The answer for 
most of us is probably a resounding "Never!" The closest contact 
the majority of us have with the urban underclass occurs when we 
make a wrong turn into East St. Louis or the like. Even then, we 
don't stop to browse. In THE TRULY DISADVANTAGED, William Julius 
Wilson makes the case that this increasing "social isolation" of 
the poor, especially the black poor, has greatly contributed to 
their poverty. "Out of sight, out of mind" allows most of us to 
either deny or forget the conditions in the ghetto. Ironically, we 
expect the poor to live just like us while at the same time cutting 
them off from the examples and institutions necessary for them to 
do so. 

Wilson does not simply lay all the black poor's 
problems at the feet of racism and walk away. He also makes a 
thoughtful distinction between historic racism and current racism. 
While current racism undoubtedly contributes to poverty, in 
Wilson's view, the lingering effect of historical racism is the 
real culprit. Blacks have historically been relegated to low skill 
jobs through discrimination in education and employment practices. 
With the mechanization of Southern agriculture, such low skill jobs 
were to be found mostly in the industrial centers of the Northeast. 
Now that industries are abandoning cities for suburbs and even 
other countries, many blacks are stranded in the cities and have 
neither job opportunities nor the money to leave the city to go 
where the jobs are. The resulting unemployment has created an 
environment filled with crime, poverty, and has contributed to the 
breakdown in the two parent family in that black women have a hard 
time finding someone to marry because so many black males are in 
jail or unemployed. 

Nor has the civil rights movement done much to address the 
concerns of poor blacks. Both the individual opportunity programs 
of the 1960s and the race based programs of the 1970s and 1980s had 
a disproportionate effect on the black upper and middle classes. 
The early civil rights movement focused on removing barriers for 
equal participation and competition by blacks. But, as Wilson 
points out, inequalities remain after bias is diminished. While 
desegregation allowed blacks to move into white suburbs, only 
wealthy blacks could actually afford a house there. Race based 
programs aimed at remedying past injustices, like affirmative 
action, are also often only relevant to wealthier blacks. Poor 
blacks are less likely to apply for college, so they do not 
directly benefit from equal opportunity in higher education 
regulations. 

Worse than simply ignoring the special problems of poor 
blacks, civil rights programs exacerbated poor blacks' problems by 
providing avenues of escape for better off blacks. Urban black 
communities were left without this class of "social buffers" who 
comprised the main support for institutions like churches and 
schools and who provided role models for poor and wealthy black 
children alike. Today, poor black children are less likely to know 
two-parent families or people who have steady work. The link 
between hard work and success is not made. As Cornel West has 
said, without these buffers, poor children are left at the mercy of 
a consumption-oriented society. Movies and television are quick to 
show the glamour of the rich, but they fail to show the hard work 
which accompanies becoming, say, a doctor. 

Wilson is correct in attributing much of black poverty to 
isolation. Where are teenagers going to get work if the only 
business in the neighborhood is the corner drug dealer? But he 
writes off the negative effects of welfare benefits on poverty too 
quickly. In criticizing Charles Murray's thesis that welfare 
benefits have actually contributed to the decline in the family 
because they make it economically more attractive to have children 
out of wedlock, Wilson points to studies which have found only a 
modest relationship between welfare benefits and decisions about 
separation, divorce, and out of wedlock babies. These findings are 
not surprising considering that Wilson admits there is little 
incentive to stop poor teenagers from getting pregnant to begin 
with. Wilson quotes Kenneth Clark as saying "In lower-class 
families...the girl loses only some of her already limited options 
by having an illegitimate child; she is not going to make a 'better 
marriage' or improve her economic and social status either way." 
(p. 74) It is not so much that teenage girls think they can rely 
on AFDC benefits as that they seem themselves as living in poverty 
whether they have a child or not, so why not have the child? 

But the same studies also found welfare benefits had a 
substantial impact on living arrangements. Most welfare benefits 
are so arranged that it is more profitable for a teenage mother to 
live alone than with her own family. And as Wilson mentions, 
teenage daughters of single mothers are less likely to get pregnant 
if grandparents reside in the home. To address this problem, 
Illinois Governor Jim Edgar recently proposed a new law which would 
require most pregnant women under 18 years of age to live with 
their parents in order to receive AFDC benefits. So while welfare 
may not directly influence teenagers to get pregnant, it helps to 
create situations in which the family stability necessary for 
proper parental, or in this case, grandparental oversight and care 
is lacking. 

While Wilson's analysis of the problem is generally thoughtful 
and well-reasoned, most of his solutions to poverty are just too 
pat. He correctly wants to provide the poor, of all races, with 
the resources necessary to compete for jobs, what Wilson calls 
"equality of life chances." But part of his solution is to create 
a national strategy to make the workforce more adaptable to change. 
This emphasis on job training and flexibility does not generate new 
jobs, it just creates well-trained people who still live in 
poverty. He does call for the creation of more jobs as part of a 
federal government macroeconomic policy which strives for a tight 
labor market and noninflationary economic growth. Of course the 
government is always trying to avoid unemployment and inflation, 
but often the two goals are incompatible. The Federal Reserve 
Board's current tight economic policy is committed to preventing 
inflationary growth even at the risk of increasing unemployment. 
It is just too simplistic to say that if there were 
enough jobs for everyone, poverty could be eradicated. 

A more specific aspect of Wilson's plan is his call for 
universal benefits, such as child care and medical care. These 
benefits would apply to all economic levels but would have their 
strongest impact on the poor of all races, who do not already have 
things like adequate medical care. Universal benefits would level 
the 
playing field so that everyone would have equal resources to 
compete. Wilson suggests universal benefits rather than benefits 
targeted to the poor in order to get widespread support for such 
programs. 

But universalizing the benefits would not necessarily 
significantly reduce opposition to them. Today in the United 
States, there is already a debate raging over paying the wealthy 
their Social Security benefits, despite the fact they presumably 
contributed that money to the fund to begin with. Wilson also 
wants to shrink the deficit to adjust the value of the American 
dollar. The societal costs of our current poverty rate are very 
high, but wouldn't the imposition of universal benefits make 
shrinking the deficit even harder? Wilson uses Sweden as an 
example of a country's successful implementation of universal child 
care and family allowance programs. But Sweden is now facing great 
difficulties in paying for these same programs. 

Wilson deserves much praise for his ability to recognize that 
poverty comes in all colors, and that we as a society have 
abandoned the poor. But universal benefits and job training would 
not necessarily bridge the gulf between rich and poor. Wilson 
would give the poor more money, but it probably would not be enough 
to allow them to buy a house outside of the ghetto or lure 
businesses in. One of Wilson's better suggestions is to promote 
geographic, and thus social, mobility of the poor. Scattered site 
housing instead of concentrated public housing would allow the poor 
to live in an environment where people work and where jobs exist; 
poorer families would have a better chance of getting a good 
education and tapping into the job network. And while getting 
money to the poor is important, so is ending their isolation. 
Organizations like Habitat for Humanity, which go into the ghetto, 
try to get to know the poor as individuals rather than "the poor." 
Actually knowing people in the ghetto can mean the formation of 
community ties and feelings of mutual responsibility. An urban 
peace corps such as President Clinton has proposed might be a step 
in the right direction. A sense of community should be the goal 
not just for rich and poor but for all of our fragmenting society. 
! 

http://lilt.ilstu.edu/gmklass/pos334/archive/wilson.htm




[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]


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