Hi.  Perhaps the best overall view of an Obama presidency I've yet
seen is the cover article in a small, free weekly, the LA City Beat. It's
headlined "Truth, Justice and the New American Way - Mick Farren on
how the president-elect can save a grateful nation."  It's found near
hipper stores and restaurants, as well as in www.lacitybeat.com.

Now, here's Bill:

From: John Johnson
Sent: Friday, November 07, 2008 6:55 PM

http://www.inthesetimes.com/article/4028/what_a_long_strange_trip_its_been/

What a Long, Strange Trip It's Been

By Bill Ayers
In These Times: November 7, 2008

Looking back on a surreal campaign season

On the campaign trail, McCain immediately got on
message. I became a prop, a cartoon character
created to be pummeled.

Whew! What was all that mess? I'm still in a
daze, sorting it all out, decompressing.

Pass the Vitamin C.

For the past few years, I have gone about my
business, hanging out with my kids and, now, my
grandchildren, taking care of our elders (they
moved in as the kids moved out), going to work,
teaching and writing. And every day, I
participate in the never-ending effort to build a
powerful and irresistible movement for peace and social justice.

In years past, I would now and then ­often
unpredictably­ appear in the newspapers or on TV,
sometimes with a reference to Fugitive Days, my
2001 memoir of the exhilarating and difficult
years of resistance against the American war in
Vietnam. It was a time when the world was in
flames, revolution was in the air, and the serial
assassinations of black leaders disrupted our utopian dreams.

These media episodes of fleeting notoriety always
led to some extravagant and fantastic assertions
about what I did, what I might have said and what I probably believe now.

It was always a bit surreal. Then came this political season.

During the primary, the blogosphere was full of
chatter about my relationship with
President-elect Barack Obama. We had served
together on the board of the Woods Foundation and
knew one another as neighbors in Chicago's Hyde
Park. In 1996, at a coffee gathering that my
wife, Bernardine Dohrn, and I held for him, I
made a donation to his campaign for the Illinois State Senate.

Obama's political rivals and enemies thought they
saw an opportunity to deepen a dishonest
perception that he is somehow un-American, alien,
linked to radical ideas, a closet terrorist who
sympathizes with extremism­and they pounced.

Sen. Hillary Clinton's (D-N.Y.) campaign provided
the script, which included guilt by association,
demonization of people Obama knew (or might have
known), creepy questions about his background and
dark hints about hidden secrets yet to be uncovered.

On March 13, Sen. John McCain (R-Ariz.),
apparently in an attempt to reassure the "base,"
sat down for an interview with Sean Hannity of
Fox News. McCain was not yet aware of the
narrative Hannity had been spinning for months,
and so Hannity filled him in: Ayers is an
unrepentant "terrorist," he explained, "On 9/11,
of all days, he had an article where he bragged
about bombing our Pentagon, bombing the Capitol
and bombing New York City police headquarters. .
He said, 'I regret not doing more.' "

McCain couldn't believe it.

Neither could I.

On the campaign trail, McCain immediately got on
message. I became a prop, a cartoon character
created to be pummeled.

When Alaska Gov. Sarah Palin got hold of it, the
attack went viral. At a now-famous Oct. 4 rally,
she said Obama was "pallin' around with
terrorists." (I pictured us sharing a milkshake with two straws.)

The crowd began chanting, "Kill him!" "Kill him!" It was
downhill from there.

My voicemail filled up with hate messages. They
were mostly from men, all venting and sweating
and breathing heavily. A few threats: "Watch
out!" and "You deserve to be shot." And some
e-mails, like this one I got from [EMAIL PROTECTED]:
"I'm coming to get you and when I do, I'll water-board you."

The police lieutenant who came to copy down those
threats deadpanned that he hoped the guy who was
going to shoot me got there before the guy who
was going to water-board me, since it would be
most foul to be tortured and then shot. (We have
been pals ever since he was first assigned to
investigate threats made against me in 1987,
after I was hired as an assistant professor at
the University of Illinois at Chicago.)

The good news was that every time McCain or Palin
mentioned my name, they lost a point or two in
the polls. The cartoon invented to hurt Obama was
now poking holes in the rapidly sinking McCain-Palin ship.

That '60s show

On Aug. 28, Stephen Colbert, the faux right-wing
commentator from Comedy Central who channels Bill
O'Reilly on steroids, observed:
To this day, when our country holds a
presidential election, we judge the candidates
through the lens of the 1960s. . We all know
Obama is cozy with William Ayers a '60s radical
who planted a bomb in the capital building and
then later went on to even more heinous crimes by
becoming a college professor. . Let us keep
fighting the culture wars of our grandparents.
The '60s are a political gift that keeps on giving.

It was inevitable. McCain would bet the house on
a dishonest and largely discredited vision of the
'60s, which was the defining decade for him. He
built his political career on being a prisoner of war in Vietnam.

The '60s­ as myth and symbol ­is much abused: the
downfall of civilization in one account, a time
of defeat and humiliation in a second, and a
perfect moment of righteous opposition, peace and love in a third.

The idea that the 2008 election may be the last
time in American political life that the '60s
plays any role whatsoever is a mixed blessing. On
the one hand, let's get over the nostalgia and
move on. On the other, the lessons we might have
learned from the black freedom movement and from
the resistance against the Vietnam War have never
been learned. To achieve this would require that
we face history fully and honestly, something this nation
has never done.

The war in Vietnam was an illegal invasion and
occupation, much of it conducted as a war of
terror against the civilian population. The U.S.
military killed millions of Vietnamese in air
raids­ like the one conducted by McCain­ and entire
areas of the country were designated free-fire
zones, where American pilots indiscriminately
dropped surplus ordinance­, an immoral enterprise by
any measure.

What is really important

McCain and Palin,­ or as our late friend Studs
Terkel put it, "Joe McCarthy in drag"­ would like
to bury the '60s. The '60s, after all, was a time
of rejecting obedience and conformity in favor of
initiative and courage. The '60s pushed us to a
deeper appreciation of the humanity of every
human being. And that is the threat it poses to
the right wing, hence the attacks and all the guilt by association.

McCain and Palin demanded to "know the full
extent" of the Obama-Ayers "relationship" so that
they can know if Obama, as Palin put it, "is
telling the truth to the American people or not."

This is just plain stupid.

Obama has continually been asked to defend
something that ought to be at democracy's heart:
the importance of talking to as many people as
possible in this complicated and wildly diverse
society, of listening with the possibility of
learning something new, and of speaking with the
possibility of persuading or influencing others.

The McCain-Palin attacks not only involved guilt
by association, they also assumed that one must
apply a political litmus test to begin a conversation.

On Oct. 4, Palin described her supporters as
those who "see America as the greatest force for
good in this world" and as a "beacon of light and
hope for others who seek freedom and democracy."
But Obama, she said, "Is not a man who sees
America as you see it and how I see America." In
other words, there are "real" Americans ­ and then there are the rest of us.

In a robust and sophisticated democracy,
political leaders­and all of us ­ought to seek
ways to talk with many people who hold
dissenting, or even radical, ideas. Lacking that
simple and yet essential capacity to question
authority, we might still be burning witches and
enslaving our fellow human beings today.

Maybe we could welcome our current situation, ­torn
by another illegal war, as it was in the '60s,­ as
an opportunity to search for the new.

Perhaps we might think of ourselves not as
passive consumers of politics but as fully
mobilized political actors. Perhaps we might
think of our various efforts now, as we did then,
as more than a single campaign, but rather as our
movement-in-the-making.

We might find hope in the growth of opposition to
war and occupation worldwide. Or we might be
inspired by the growing movements for reparations
and prison abolition, or the rising immigrant
rights movement and the stirrings of working
people everywhere, or by gay and lesbian and
transgender people courageously pressing for full recognition.

Yet hope, ­my hope, our hope­ resides in a simple
self-evident truth: the future is unknown, and it is also
entirely unknowable.

History is always in the making. It's up to us.
It is up to me and to you. Nothing is
predetermined. That makes our moment on this
earth both hopeful and all the more urgent­ we
must find ways to become real actors, to become
authentic subjects in our own history.

We may not be able to will a movement into being,
but neither can we sit idly for a movement to
spring full-grown, as from the head of Zeus.

We have to agitate for democracy and
egalitarianism, press harder for human rights,
learn to build a new society through our
self-transformations and our limited everyday struggles.

At the turn of the last century, Eugene Debs, the
great Socialist Party leader from Terre Haute,
Ind., told a group of workers in Chicago, "If I
could lead you into the Promised Land, I would
not do it, because someone else would come along and lead you out."

In this time of new beginnings and rising
expectations, it is even more urgent that we
figure out how to become the people we have been waiting to be.



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