We Can’t Afford an Empire



It
 seems that everyone these days agrees that we need to cut defense 
spending.  Even Robert Gates—you know, the secretary of defense—thinks 
so. Given “America’s difficult economic circumstances and parlous fiscal
 condition,” Gates has ordered the Defense Department to cut its budget 
by 2 to 3 percent.  The defense budget, he notes, has become unnecessarily 
bloated:

For
 example, should we really be up in arms over a temporary projected 
shortfall of about 100 Navy and Marine strike fighters relative to the 
number of carrier wings, when America’s military possesses more than 
3,200 tactical combat aircraft of all kinds?  Does the number of 
warships we have and are building really put America at risk when the 
U.S. battle fleet is larger than the next 13 navies combined, 11 of 
which belong to allies and partners? Is it a dire threat that by 2020 
the United States will have only 20 times more advanced stealth fighters
 than China?

So, as I was saying, everyone these 
days, even the secretary of defense, agrees that we need to cut defense 
spending.  Well, almost everyone agrees.  After all, we can’t forget 
about Max Boot.  Writing in the Washington Post, Boot claims
 that cutting defense spending—“letting our guard down”—could have 
horrible—no, devastating—no, horribly devastating—unspeakably, 
unimaginably horribly devastating—consequences.

As proof, he gives us a history lesson:

After
 World War I, our armed forces shrank from 2.9 million men in 1918 to 
250,000 in 1928. The result? World War II became more likely and its 
early battles more costly. Imagine how Hitler might have acted in 1939 
had several hundred thousand American troops been stationed in France 
and Poland. Under such circumstances, it is doubtful he would ever have 
launched his blitzkrieg. Likewise, Japanese leaders might have thought 
twice about attacking Pearl Harbor if their homeland had been in 
imminent danger of being pulverized by thousands of American bombers and
 their fleet sunk by dozens of American aircraft carriers.

After 
World War II, our armed forces shrank from 12 million men in 1945 to 1.4
 million in 1950. (The Army went from 8.3 million soldiers to 593,000.) 
The result was that ill-trained, ill-armed draftees were almost pushed 
off the Korean Peninsula by the North Korean invasion. Kim Il Sung was 
probably emboldened to aggression in the first place by the rapid 
dissolution of America's wartime strength and indications from 
parsimonious policymakers that South Korea was outside our “defense 
perimeter.”

Boot continues in this manner, telling 
us how our poor performance in Vietnam could have been averted had we 
maintained our troop levels after Korea, how the Iranian Revolution and 
the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan could have been averted had we 
maintained our troop levels after Vietnam, and so on.

Needless to
 say, his rendering of history is, well, incomplete.  It’s not as though
 maintaining high troop levels would have been the only way to avoid the
 above conflicts.  For instance, had the Allies not so severely humiliated and 
punished Germany after World War I, Hitler probably wouldn’t have ever come to 
power in the first place, and had FDR not imposed such harsh, deliberately 
provocative, economic sanctions on Japan, it’s doubtful that it would have 
attacked Pearl Harbor.

But Boot has never been interested in finding non-imperial ways to solve our 
problems. Right after 9/11, he advocated
 that we do some nation-building, not just in Afghanistan, but also in 
Iraq, which he suggested could be accomplished with barely a hiccup.  
After all, we would probably “have plenty of help from Iraqis.” After 
deposing Saddam, we would “impose an American-led, international regency
 in Baghdad,” which would soon restore our credibility and earn us 
“fruitful cooperation from the region’s many opportunists, who [would] 
show a newfound eagerness to be helpful in our larger task of rolling up
 the international terror network that threatens us.”

Boot freely
 admitted that he wanted the US to invade “many of the same lands where 
generations of British colonial soldiers went on campaigns.”  
“Afghanistan and other troubled lands,” he wrote, “today cry out for the
 sort of enlightened foreign administration once provided by 
self-confident Englishmen in jodhpurs and pith helmets.”  Never mind 
what happened to those self-confident Englishmen.  Never mind that such 
imperial overstretch
 ultimately destroyed the British Empire.  America, Boot suggested, is 
somehow different than the empires that went before it, somehow immune 
to the plights that befell them.

And to this date, he remains as 
optimistic—read: as arrogant—as ever, arguing, for example, that we need
 to bulk up our navy so it’s better able to “fight Somali pirates, 
police the Persian Gulf and deter Chinese expansionism in the Western 
Pacific.” Of course, our most recent imperial projects aren’t exactly 
going so well.  It’s becoming increasingly clear that we’re not going to
 win the war in Afghanistan, as the people there continue turning against both 
us and the corrupt, illegitimate government we’ve installed.  And we’re no more 
loved by Iraqis, whose government, for the first time in several decades, has 
allied itself with Iran.  And yet Boot has his sights on Somali pirates and the 
Chinese.

It’s because of such thinking that America has gone broke.  Last time I 
checked, we were something like $13 trillion in debt.  Which, of course, means 
that the future isn’t looking so bright.  To avoid the complete collapse of our 
currency,
 we’re going to have to cut spending. And with millions of Americans 
still suffering, still losing their homes, still unable to find work, I 
kind of think we should start with our truly gargantuan defense budget.  Boot, 
of course, sees things differently, claiming that it’s not the defense budget 
that’s bankrupting us:

Defense
 spending is less than 4 percent of gross domestic product and less than
 20 percent of the federal budget. That means our armed forces are much 
less costly in relative terms than they were throughout much of the 20th
 century. Even at roughly $549 billion, our core defense budget is 
eminently affordable. It is, in fact, a bargain considering the historic
 consequences of letting our guard down. 
Not 
surprisingly, his numbers here are entirely misleading.  First, while 
the Department of Defense’s “base budget” is $549 billion, when you add 
other expenses, such as the $254 billion it spends on “overseas 
contingency operations,” the actual Defense budget swells to $719 billion.

Second, as economist Robert Higgs points out,
 the government hides much of its defense-related spending in other 
departments.  So, for example, our nuclear weapons program is funded by 
the Department of Energy, veterans' benefits by the Department of 
Veterans Affairs, the Military Retirement Fund by the Department of 
Treasury.  When you add all this together, it turns out that we’re 
spending over $1 trillion a year on national defense.

Let me 
repeat that.  We’re spending over $1 trillion—$1,000,000,000,000—per 
year on defense.  Which means that we’re spending nearly as much on 
defense as the entire rest of the world combined. This might not be enough to 
maintain an empire, but if the point of the military is to defend American 
borders and protect American citizens, then we could certainly get by on a lot 
less.

http://donemmerich.blogspot.com/



      

[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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