http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2011/03/us-military-intervention-in-mexico-open.html

Mar 17, 2011
 MexicoBlog Editorial: U.S. Military Intervention in Mexico an Open Secret
 A March 15 article in the New York
Times<http://www.nytimes.com/2011/03/16/world/americas/16drug.html?_r=2&hp>revealed
what many knew, others suspected and some just preferred to ignore:
U.S. military intervention in Mexico goes way beyond what the American and
Mexican public are told by their governments.

The article reported that presidents Calderon and Obama agreed in their Mar.
3 meeting <http://www.cipamericas.org/archives/4068> to continue U.S.
surveillance flights within Mexico. They also agreed to open a second
"fusion" center for counternarcotics work in Mexico.

The revelations in the NYT reinforce our contention that while most of the
press focused on the supposed friction between the leaders, this month's
summit emphasized both government's heavy political investment in a failing
and costly drug war.

They also fuel criticisms that, with the tacit compliance of the Calderon
administration, the Pentagon and U.S. agencies such as ATF, FBI and DEA
progressively treat Mexico as their turf when it comes to security
operations.

The Mexican government
confirmed<http://www.washingtonpost.com/world/mexico-confirms-seeking-us-drone-help-in-drug-war/2011/03/16/ABbSEZg_story.html>the
U.S. drone flights in its airspace, issuing a press release that
stressed that the flights are used at the request of the Mexican government
for specific purposes.

An AP 
story<http://news.yahoo.com/s/ap/20110316/ap_on_re_la_am_ca/lt_drug_war_mexico_us>following
up on the New York Times article cited sources stating that drone
flights actually began in early 2009 as a result of a proposal by the U.S.
government. The first planes used were the Predator Bs, followed by the much
larger Golden Hawk beginning in February of this year.

The AP story ends by noting,

"Starting in 1990, U.S. Customs pilots routinely flew small Cessna Citation
2 jets with a Mexican co-pilot over northern Mexico to hunt for
drug-runners' aircraft. The program, known as Operation Halcon, started
after U.S. efforts to stop drug smugglers flying small airplanes into the
U.S. territory prompted traffickers to land just on the Mexican side of the
border and then load up drugs for a drive north.

In May 2001, former commissioner of U.S. Customs Service Charles Winwood
told a U.S. Senate committee that Customs had two Cessnas stationed in
Mexico, one in Hermosillo and the other in Monterrey. The U.S. had others
stationed elsewhere in Latin America. Operation Halcon ended in part because
U.S. officials could not get the Mexican government to give U.S. personnel
immunity in case of an accident in Mexico."

"An accident" would appear to mean the death or injury of Mexican civilians.
The question that immediately springs to mind is, 'Has the Calderon
government effectively granted that immunity now that it allows the U.S.
drone flights?'

Members of the Mexican Congress have attacked the "cooperation" due to a
lack of transparency, violations of national sovereignty and possible
violations of the constitution. The Calderon adminstration has responded by
saying that the program is completely legal and justified in the context of
the need for sophisticated intelligence to fight the drug cartels.

* Mexico's "Plausible Deniability"*

In the NYT article, retired DEA chief of international operations Mike Vigil
makes this remarkable admission:

“It wasn’t that long ago when there was no way the
D.E.A.<http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/organizations/d/drug_enforcement_administration/index.html?inline=nyt-org>could
conduct the kinds of activities they are doing now. And the only way
they’re going to be able to keep doing them is by allowing Mexico to have
plausible deniability.”

Mexico, with its long history of nationalism and U.S. invasions, is uniquely
sensitive to U.S. intervention. Many experts believe that the degree of U.S.
involvement permitted by the Calderon administration is unprecedented. As
security analyst Abelardo
Rodriguez<http://www.cipamericas.org/archives/3670>writes "...the
character of current transnational threats and the
establishment of a security perimeter defined by Washington that includes
Mexico and Canada now means that the [Mexican] Armed Forces find themselves
moving toward unprecedented security and defense collaboration with the
'Colossus of the North.' It is important to step back and examine the risks
that come with such changes from the perspective of Mexico’s national
interest."

The drone flights, the binational office for drug war operations opened by
the U.S. Embassy in Mexico City, and the active participation of hundreds of
U.S. agents in Mexican territory have alarmed many Mexicans. Both
governments have attempted to reinforce the rhetoric of "shared
responsibility" while keeping mum on what that means on the ground. But as
press reports, Wikileaks cables and declarations from U.S. officials reveal
the extent of U.S. involvement, plausible deniability by the Calderon
administration is becoming increasingly diffcult.

That was more than obvious this morning when Mexico's National Security
Council spokesperson Alejandro Poire faced nearly an hour of questioning
from radio host Carmen Arristegui.  Poire admitted to the drone flights,
stating that they form part of binational cooperation in intelligence.
However, he refused to answer specific questions regarding when they began,
how many flights have been authorized, under what conditions they are
requested or whether the flights constitute a violation of national
sovereignty.

Poire's 'plausible deniability' breakdown went beyond the drone issue. He
also refused to respond to evidence that armed U.S. agents operate in Mexico
by citing the legal prohibition on armed foreign agents as though the mere
existence of a law precludes its violation. Despite open declarations of
numerous U.S. agents that they do in fact carry weapons in Mexican
territory, the spokesperson only agreed that perhaps an investigation was in
order when pushed by Arristegui.

Poire offered no further information on the second "fusion center" for drug
war cooperation, as reported in the New York Times. The first would seem to
be the Mexico City office located on Reforma 265.

If I had to guess, Ciudad Juarez would appear the likely location of a
second center. As I noted in the last blog on the wikileaks
cable<http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2011/03/wikileaks-electoral-politics-drive.html>,
Juarez is a sore spot for both governments since its disastrous levels of
violence make it increasingly difficult for them to justify current drug war
strategy. There are high political stakes in showing progress in the
troubled border town before Mexico's 2012 presidential elections in Mexico
and as the U.S. Congress faces growing opposition to funding the Merida
Initiative.

The present political climate is likely to produce more denial, plausible or
not. That's why press investigations, whistleblowers and independent
analysis will prove crucial in tracking the drug war and militarization that
is rapidly advancing in the region.
 Posted by Laura Carlsen at 5:00
PM<http://americasmexico.blogspot.com/2011/03/us-military-intervention-in-mexico-open.html>


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