http://www.island.lk/index.php?page_cat=article-details&page=article-details&code_title=23146
Report
of the UNSG’s panel of experts on accountability in SL
April 15, 2011, 6:24 pm

[image: article_image]
Allegations found credible by the Panel


The Panel’s determination of credible allegations reveals a very different
version of the final stages of the war than that maintained to this day by
the Government of Sri Lanka. The Government says it pursued a "humanitarian
rescue operation" with a policy of "zero civilian casualties". In stark
contrast, the Panel found credible allegations, which if proven, indicate
that a wide range of serious violations of international humanitarian law
and international human rights law were committed both by the Government of
Sri Lanka and the LTTE, some of which would amount to war crimes and crimes
against humanity. Indeed, the conduct of the war represented a grave assault
on the entire regime of international law designed to protect individual
dignity during both war and peace.


Specially the Panel found credible allegations associated with the final
stages of the war. Between September 2008 and 19 May 2009, the Sri Lanka
Army advanced its military campaign into the Vanni using large-scale and
widespread shelling causing large numbers of civilian deaths. This campaign
constituted persecution of the population of the Vanni. Around 330,000
civilians were trapped into an ever decreasing area, fleeing the shelling
but kept hostage by the LTTE. The Government sought to intimidate and
silence the media and other critics of the war through a variety of threats
and actions, including the use of white vans to abduct and to make people
disappear.


The Government shelled on a large scale in three consecutive No Fire Zones,
where it had encouraged the civilian population to concentrate, even after
indicating that it would cease the use of heavy weapons. It shelled the
United Nations hub, food distribution lines and near the International
Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) ships that were coming to pick up the
wounded and their relatives from the beaches. It shelled in spite of its
knowledge of the impact, provided by its own intelligence systems and
through notification by the United Nations, the ICRC and others. Most
civilian casualties in the final phases of the war were caused by Government
shelling.


The Government systematically shelled hospitals on the frontlines. All
hospitals in the Vanni were hit by mortars and artillery, some of them were
hit repeatedly, despite the fact that their locations were well-known to the
Government. The Government also systematically deprived people in the
conflict zone of humanitarian aid, in the form of food and medical supplies,
particularly surgical supplies, adding to their suffering. To this end, it
purposely underestimated the number of civilians who remained in the
conflict zone. Tens of thousands lost their lives from January to May 2009,
many of whom died anonymously in the carnage of the final few days.


The Government subjected victims and survivours of the conflict to further
deprivation and suffering after they left the conflict zone. Screening for
suspected LTTE took place without any transparency or external scrutiny.
Some of those who were separated were summarily executed, and some of the
women may have been raped. Others disappeared, as recounted by their wives
and relatives during the LLRC hearings. All IDPs were detained in closed
camps. Massive overcrowding led to terrible conditions, breaching the basic
social and economic rights of the detainees, and many lives were lost
unnecessarily. Some persons in the camps were interrogated and subjected to
torture. Suspected LTTE cadres were removed to other facilities, with no
contact with the outside world, under conditions that made them vulnerable
of further abuses.


Despite grave danger in the conflict zone, the LTTE refused civilians
permission to leave, using them as hostages, at times even using their
presence as a strategic human buffer between themselves and the advancing
Sri Lanka Army. It implemented a policy of forced recruitment throughout the
war, but in the final stages greatly intensified its recruitment of people
of all ages, including children as young as fourteen. The LTTE forced
civilians to dig trenches for its own defenses, thereby contributing to
blurring the distinction between combatants and civilians and exposing
civilians to additional harm. All of this was done in a quest to pursue a
war that was clearly lost; many civilians were sacrificed on the altar of
the LTTE cause and its efforts to preserve its senior leadership.


>From February 2009 onwards, the LTTE started point-blank shooting of
civilians who attempted to escape the conflict zone, significantly adding to
the death toll in the final stages of the war. It also fired artillery in
proximity to large groups of internally displaced persons (IDPs) and fired
from, or stored military equipment near IDPs or civilian installations such
as hospitals. Throughout the final stages of the war, the LTTE continued its
policy of suicide attacks outside the conflict zone. Even though its ability
to perpetrate such attacks was diminished compared to previous phases of the
conflict, it perpetrated a number of attacks against civilians outside the
conflict zone.


Thus, in conclusion, the Panel found credible allegations that comprise five
core categories of potential serious violations committed by the Government
of Sri Lanka: (i) killing of civilians through widespread shelling; (ii)
shelling of hospitals and humanitarian objects; (iii) denial of humanitarian
assistance; (iv) human rights violations suffered by victims and survivors
of the conflict, including both IDPs and suspected LTTE cadre; and (v) human
rights violations outside the conflict zone, including against the media and
other critics of the Government.


The Panel’s determination of credible allegations against the LTTE
associated with the final stages of the war reveal six core categories of
potential serious violations: Ii) using civilians as a human buffer; (ii)
killing civilians attempting to flee LTTE control; (iii) using military
equipment in the proximity of civilians; (iv) forced recruitment of
children; (v) forced labour; and (vi) killing of civilians through suicide
attacks.


Accountability


Accountability for serious violations of international humanitarian or human
rights law is not a matter of choice or policy; it is a duty under domestic
and international law. These credibly alleged violations demand a serious
investigation and the prosecution of those responsible. If proven, those
most responsible, including Sri Lanka Army commanders and senior Government
officials, as well as military and civilian LTTE leaders, would bear
criminal liability for international crimes.


At the same time, accountability goes beyond the investigation and
prosecution of serious crimes that have been committed; rather it is a broad
process that addressed the political, legal and moral responsibility of
individuals and institutions for past violations of human rights and
dignity. Consistent with the international standards mentioned above,
accountability necessarily includes the achievement of truth, justice and
reparations for victims. Accountability also requires an official
acknowledgment by the State of its role and responsibility in violating the
rights of its citizens, when that has occurred. In keeping with United
Nations policy, the Panel does not advocate a "one-size-fits-all" formula or
the importation of foreign models for accountability; rather it recognizes
the need for accountability processes to be defined based on national
assessments, involving broad citizen participation, needs and aspirations.
Nonetheless, any national process must still meet international standards.
Sri Lankaapproach to accountability should, thus, be assessed against those
standards and comparative experiences to discern how effectively it allows
victims of the final stages of the war to realize their rights to truth,
justice and reparations.


The Government has stated that it is seeking to balance reconciliation and
accountability, with an emphasis on restorative justice. The assertion of a
choice between restorative and retributive justice presents a false
dichotomy. Both are required. Moreover, in the Panel’s view, the
Government’s notion of restorative justice is flawed because it substitutes
a vague notion of the political responsibility of past Government policies
and their failure to protect citizens from terrorism for genuine,
victim-centred accountability focused on truth, justice and reparations. A
further emphasis is clearly on the culpability of certain LTTE cadre; the
Government’s plan, in this regard, contemplates rehabilitation for the
majority and lenient sentences for the "hardcore" among surviving LTTE
cadre. The Government’s two-pronged notion of accountability, as explained
to the Panel, focusing on the responsibility of past Governments and of the
LTTE, does not envisage a serious examination of the Government’s decisions
and conduct in prosecuting the final stages of the war or the aftermath, nor
of the violations of law that may have occurred as a result.


The Panel has concluded that the Government’s notion of accountability is
not in accordance with international standards. Unless the Government
genuinely addresses the allegations of violations committed by both sides
and places the rights and dignity of the victims of the conflict at the
centre of its approach to accountability, its measures will fall
dramatically short of international expectations.


The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission


The Government has established the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation
Commission as the cornerstone of its policy to address the past, from the
ceasefire agreement in 2002 to the end of the conflict in May 2009. The LLRC
represents a potentially useful opportunity to begin a national dialogue on
Sri Lanka’s conflict; the need for such a dialogue is illustrated by the
large numbers of people, particularly victims, who have come forward on
their own initiative and brought to speak with the Commission.


Nonetheless, the LLRC fails to satisfy key international standards of
independence and impartiality, as it is compromised by its composition and
deep-seated conflicts of Interests of some of its members. The mandate of
LLRC, as well as its work and methodology to date, are not tailored to
investigating allegations of serious violations of international
humanitarian and human rights law, or to examining the root causes of the
decades-long ethnic conflict; instead these focus strongly on the wide
notion of political responsibility mentioned above, which forms part of the
flawed and partial concept of accountability put forth by the Government.
The work to date demonstrates that the LLRC has not conducted genuine
truth-seeking about what happened in the final stages of the armed conflict,
not sought to investigate systematically and impartially the allegations of
serious violations on both sides of the war, not employed an approach that
treats victims with full respect for their dignity and their suffering, and
not provided the necessary protection for witnesses, even in circumstances
of actual personal risk.


In sum, the LLRC is deeply flawed, does not meet International standards for
an effective accountability mechanism and, therefore, does not and cannot
satisfy the joint commitment of the President of Sri Lanka and the
Secretary-General to an accountability process.


Other domestic mechanisms


The justice system should play a leading role in the pursuit of
accountability, irrespective of functioning or outcomes of the LLRC.
However, based on a review of the system’s past performance and current
structure, the Panel has little confidence that it will serve justice in the
present political environment. This is due more to a lack of political will
than to lack of ability. In particular, the independence of the
Attorney-General has been weakened in recent past, as power has been more
concentrated in the Presidency. Moreover, the continuing constitution of
Emergency Regulations, combined with the Prevention of Terrorism Act in its
present form, present a significant obstacle for the judicial system to be
able to address official wrongdoing while upholding human rights guarantees.
Equally, the Panel has seen no evidence that the military courts system has
operated as an effective accountability mechanism in respect of the credible
allegations it has identified or other crimes committed in the final stages
of the war.


Other domestic institutions that could play a role in achieving
accountability also demonstrate serious weaknesses. Over three decades,
commissions of inquiry have been established to examine a number of serious
human rights issues. While some have served important fact-finding goals,
overwhelmingly these commissions have failed to result in comprehensive
accountability for the violations identified. Many commissions have failed
to produce a public report and recommendations have rarely been implemented.
The Human Rights Commission of Sri Lanka could also potentially contribute
to advancing certain aspects of accountability, but the Panel still has
serious reservations and believes that the Commission will need to
demonstrate political will and resourcefulness in following up on cases of
missing persons and in monitoring the welfare of detained persons.


Other obstacles to accountability


During the course of its work, the Panel observed that there were several
other contemporary issues in Sri Lanka, which if left un-addressed, will
deter efforts towards genuine accountability and may undermine prospects for
durable peace in consequence. Most notably, these include: (i) triumphalism
on the part of the Government, expressed through its discourse on having
developed the means and will to defeat "terrorism", thus ending Tamil
aspirations for political, autonomy and recognition, and its denial
regarding the human cost of its military strategy; (ii) on-going
exclusionary policies, which are particularly deleterious as political,
social and economic exclusion exclusion based on ethnicity, perceived or
real, have been at the heart of the conflict (iii) the continuation of
wartime measures, including not only the Emergency Regulations and the
Prevention of Terrorism Act, mentioned above, but also the continued
militiarisation of the former conflict zone and the use of paramilitary
proxies, all of which perpetuate a climate of fear, intimidation and
violence; (iv) restrictions on the media, which are contrary to democratic
governance and limit basic citizens’ rights; and (v) the role of the Tamil
Diaspora, which provided vital moral and material support to the LTTE over
decades, and some of whom refuse to acknowledge the LTTE’s role in the
humanitarian disaster in the Vanni, creating a further obstacle to
accountability and sustainable peace.


An environment conducive to accountability, which would permit a candid
appraisal of the broad patterns of the past, including the root causes of
the long-running ethno-nationalist conflict, does not exist at present. It
would require concrete steps towards building an open society in which human
rights are respected, as well as a fundamental shift away from triumphalism
and denial towards a genuine commitment to a political solution that
recognizes Sri Lanka’s ethnic diversity and the full and inclusive
citizenship of all of its people, including Tamils as the foundation for the
country’s future.


International role in the protection of civilians


During the final stages of the war, the United Nations political organs and
bodies failed to take actions that might have protected civilians. Moreover,
although senior international officials advocated in public and in private
with the Government that it protect civilians and stop the shelling of
hospitals and United Nations or ICRC locations, in the Panel’s view, the
public use of casualty figures would have strengthened the call for the
protection of civilians while those events in the Vanni were unfolding. In
addition, following the end of war, the Human Rights Council may have been
acting on incomplete information when it passed its May 2009 resolution on
Sri Lanka.


Recommendations


In this context, the Panel recommends the following measures, which it hopes
as a whole, will serve as the framework for an ongoing and constructive
engagement between the Secretary-General and the Government of Sri Lanka on
accountability. They address the various dimensions of accountability that
the Panel considers essential and which will require complementary action by
the Government of Sri Lanka, the United Nations and other parties.


Recommendation 1: Investigations


A. In light of the allegations found credible by the Panel, the Government
of Sri Lanka, in compliance with its international obligations and with a
view to initiating an effective domestic accountability process, should
immediately commence genuine investigations into these and other alleged
violations of the international humanitarian and human rights law committed
by both sides involved in the armed conflict.


B. The Secretary-General should immediately proceed to establish an
independent international mechanism, whose mandate should include the
following concurrent functions:


Report of the


(i) Monitor and assess the extent to which the Government of Sri Lanka is
carrying out an effective domestic accountability process, including genuine
investigations of the alleged violations, and periodically advice the
Secretary-General on its findings;


(ii) Conduct investigations independently into the alleged violations,
having regard to genuine and effective domestic investigations; and


(iii) Collect and safeguard for appropriate future use information provided
to it, which is relevant to accountability for the final stages of the war,
including the information gathered by the Panel and other bodies in the
United Nations system.


Recommendation 2: Other measures to advance accountability


A. The Government of Sri Lanka should implement the following short-term
measures, with a focus on acknowledging the rights and dignity of all of the
victims and survivors in the Vanni:


(i) End all violence by the State, its organs and all paramilitary and other
groups acting as surrogates of or tolerated by, the State;


(ii) Facilities the recovery and return of human remains to their families
and allow for the performance of cultural rites for the dead;


(iii) Provide death certificates for the dead and missing, expeditiously and
respectfully, without charge, when requested by family members, without
compromising the right to further investigations and civil claims;


(iv) Provide or facilitate psycho-social support for all survivors,
respecting their cultural values and traditional practices;


(v) Release all displaced persons and facilitate their return to their
former homes or provide for resettlement, according to their wishes; and


(vi) Continue to provide interim relief to assist the return of all
survivors to normal life.


B. The Government of Sri Lanka should investigate and disclose the fate and
location of persons reported to have been forcibly disappeared. In this
regard, the Government of Sri Lanka should invite the Working Group on
Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances to visit Sri Lanka.


C. In light of the political situation in the country, the Government of Sri
Lanka should undertake an immediate repeal of the Emergency regulations and
modify all those provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act that the
inconsistent with Sri Lanka’s international obligations, and take the
following measures regarding suspected LTTE members and all other persons
held under these and other provisions:


(i) Public the names of all of those currently detained, whatever the
location of their detention, and notify them of the legal basis of their
detention;


(ii) Allow all detainees regular access to family members and to legal
counsel;


(iii) Allow all detainees to contest the substantive justification of their
detention in court;


(iv) Charge those for whom there is sufficient evidence of serious crimes
and release all others, allowing them to reintegrate into society without
further hindrance.


D. The Government of Sri Lanka should end state violence and other practices
that limit freedoms of movement, assembly and expression, or otherwise
contribute to a climate of fear.


Recommendation 3: Longer term accountability measures


While the current climate is not conductive to an honest examination of the
past, in the longer term, as political spaces are allowed to open, the
following measures are needed to move towards full accountability for
actions taken during the war:


A. Taking into account, but distinct from the work of the LLRC, Sri Lanka
should initiate a process, with strong civil society participation, to
examine in a critical manner: the root causes of the conflict, including
ethno-nationalist extremism on both sides; the conduct of the war and
patters of violations; and the corresponding institutional responsibilities.


B. The Government of Sri Lanka should issue a public, formal acknowledgement
of its role in and responsibility for extensive civilian casualties in the
final stages of the war.


C. The Government of Sri Lanka should institute a reparations programme, in
accordance with international standards, for all victims of serious
violations committed during the final stages of the war, with special
attention to women, children and particularly vulnerable groups.


Recommendations 4: United Nations


Considering the response of the United Nations to the plight of civilians in
the Vanni during the final stages of the war in Sri Lanka and the aftermath:


A. The Human Rights Council should be invited to reconsider its May 2009
Special Session Resolution (A/HRC/8-11/L. 1/Rev. 2) regarding Sri Lanka, in
light of this report.


B. The Secretary-General should conduct a comprehensive review of actions by
the United Nations system during the war in Sri Lanka and the aftermath,
regarding the implementation of its humanitarian and protection mandates.


The Panel’s report and its advice to the Secretary-General, as encapsulated
in these recommendations, are inspired by the courage and resilience of
victims of the war and civil society in Sri Lanka. If followed, the
recommendations would comprise a genuine process of accountability that
would satisfy the joint commitment and would set Sri Lanka on the course of
justice, dignity and peace.


VIII. Recommendations


443. In light of its conclusion, the Panel offers the following
recommendations regarding the implementation of the joint commitment on
accountability. The Panel has hopes they will serve as the framework for an
ongoing and constructive engagement between the Secretary-General and the
Government of Sri Lanka on this matter. These recommendations will require
complementary action by the Government of Sri Lanka, the United Nations and
other parties. The recommendations address the various dimensions of
accountability that the Panel considers essential. The Panel emphasizes that
the recommendations below constitute an integrated and interdependent whole.
The Panel has grouped them thematically and it sees each recommendation as
essential for accountability.


444. The Panel’s report and its advice to the Secretary-General, as
encapsulated in these recommendations, are inspired by the courage and
resilience of the victims of the war and civil society in Sri Lanka. If
followed, the recommendations would comprise a genuine process of
accountability that would satisfy the joint commitment and would set Sri
Lanka on the course of justice, dignity and peace.


Recommendation 1: Investigations


A. In light of the allegations found credible by the Panel, the Government
of Sri Lanka, in compliance with its international obligations and with a
view of initiating an effective domestic accountability process, should
immediately commence genuine investigations into these and other alleged
violations of international humanitarians and human rights law committed by
both sides involved in the armed conflict.


B. The Secretary-General should immediately proceed to establish in
independent international mechanism, whose mandate should include the
following concurrent functions:


(i) Monitor and assess the extent to which the Government of Sri Lanka is
carrying out an effective domestic accountability process, including genuine
investigations of the alleged violations, and periodically advise the
Secretary-General on its findings;


(ii) Conduct investigations independently into the alleged violations,
having regard to genuine and effective domestic investigations; and


(iii) Collect and safeguard for appropriate future use information provided
to it that is relevant to accountability for the final stages of the war,
including the information gathered by the Panel and other bodies in the
United Nations system.


Recommendation 2: Other immediate measures to advance accountability


In order to address the immediate plight of those whose rights were and
continue to be violated, and to demonstrate the Government’s commitment to
accountability, the following measures should be undertaken immediately:


A. The Government of Sri Lanka should implement the following short-term
measures, with a focus on acknowledging the rights and dignity of all of the
victims and survivors in the Vanni:


(i) End all violence by the State, its organs and all paramilitary and other
groups acting as surrogates of, or tolerated by the State;


(ii) Facilitate the recovery and return of human remains to their families
and allow for the performance of cultural rites for the dead;


(iii) Provide death certificates for the dead and missing, expeditiously and
respectfully, without charge, when requested by family members, without
compromising the right to further investigation and civil claims;


(iv) Provide or facilities psycho-social support for all survivors,
respecting their cultural values and traditional practices;


(v) Release all displaced persons and facilitate their return to their
former homes or provide for resettlement, according to their wishes; and


(vi) Continue to provide interim relief to assist the return of all
survivors to normal life.


B. The Government of Sri Lanka should investigate and disclose the fate and
location of persons reported to have been forcibly disappeared. In this
regard, the Government of Sri Lanka should invite the Working Group on
Enforced and Involuntary Disappearances to visit Sri Lanka.


C. In light of the political situation in the country, the Government of Sri
Lanka should undertake an immediate repeal of the Emergency Regulations,
modify all those provisions of the Prevention of Terrorism Act that are
inconsistent with Sri Lanka’s international obligations, and take the
following measures regarding suspected LTTE members and all other persons
held under these or any other provisions:


(i) Publish the names of all of those currently detained, whatever the
location of their detention, and notify them of the legal basis of their
detention;


(ii) Allow all detainees regular access to family members and to legal
counsel;


(iii) Allow all detainees to contest the substantive justification of their
detention in court;


(iv) Charge those for whom there is sufficient evidence of serious crimes
and release all others, allowing them to reintegrate into society without
further hindrance.


D. the Government of Sri Lanka should end state violence and other practices
that limit freedoms of movement, assembly and expression, or otherwise
contribute to a climates of fear.


Recommendation 3: Longer term accountability measures


While the current climate of triumphalism and denialism is not conducive to
an honest examination of the past, in the longer term, as political spaces
are allowed to open, the following measures are needed to move towards full
accountability for action taken during the war:


A. Taking into account, but distinct from, the work of the LLRC, Sri Lanka
should initiate a process, with strong civil society participation, to
examine in a critical manner: the root causes of the conflict, including
ethno-nationalist extremism on both sides; the conduct of the war and
patterns of violations; and the corresponding institutional
responsibilities.


B. The Government of Sri Lanka should issue a public, formal acknowledgement
of its role in and responsibility for extensive civilian casualties in the
final stages of the war.


C. The Government of Sri Lanka should institute a reparations programme, in
accordance with international standards, for all victims of serious
violations committed during the final stages of the war, with special
attention to women, children and particularly vulnerable groups.


Recommendation 4: United Nations


Considering the response of the United Nations to the plight of civilians in
the Vanni during the final stages of the war in Sri Lanka and the aftermath:


A. the Human rights Council should be invited to reconsider its May 2009
Special Session Resolution (A/HRC/S-11/l.1/Rev.2) regarding Sri Lanka, in
light of this report.


B. The Secretary-General should conduct a comprehensive review of actions by
the United Nations system during the war in Sri Lanka and the aftermath,
regarding the implementation of its humanitarian and protection mandates.






[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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