From: rad-green- On Behalf Of Bill Totten
Sent: Tuesday, June 21, 2011 2:37 AM
Subject: [R-G] [BillTottenWeblog] Democracy 101

Mark Twain's farewell address

by Lewis H Lapham
Harper's Magazine (April 2011)

     What a king must suffer! For he knows, deep down in his heart, that 
he is a poor, cheap, wormy thing like the rest of us, a sarcasm, the 
Creator's prime miscarriage in inventions, the moral inferior of all the 
animals . the superior of them all in one gift only, and that one not up 
to his estimation of it - intellect.

     - The Autobiography of Mark Twain, Volume One

Toward the end of his life Mark Twain lost much of his liking for what 
he had come to regard as "the damned human race", but he held fast to 
his delight in the one gift only in which he believed man superior to 
the animals. It is the mark on even the least of the pages in the 
edition of his autobiography that after a century in exile emerged last 
November from the University of California Press. The happy return would 
have been welcome in any event, the more so in my own particular 
circumstance because it excused my absence from the winter festival of 
think-tank discussions addressed to the disappearance of the American 
future. The losses suffered by the Democratic Party in the midterm 
congressional election prompted the springing up of symposia, like 
mushrooms after rain, in every barren field of liberal political thought 
tended by the growers of the country's conscience (blue dog, moderate, 
progressive), and between Thanksgiving and Christmas I was asked to work 
up presentations on President Obama's mishandling the miracle of the 
loaves and fishes, the enslavement of a once-upon-a-time free press, the 
same-day deliveries of Congress to the banks. The sponsors of the 
programs in both the red states and the blue didn't stint their viewings 
with alarm. The situation was desperate, the economy in dire straits, 
the democracy on its deathbed.

I expressed my condolences, said that I was sorry to hear the news, but 
never having been sure-handed either with the assembling of Lego blocks 
or the numbering of PowerPoints, I was at a loss for emergency 
procedures. Fortunately I'd been reading Twain, keeping company with the 
genius of his abundant humor while exchanging emails with the Isaiahs in 
the void. Sometimes for the fun of it I inquired as to what it was - 
absent a shower of gold falling from the hand of a merciful Providence 
on the Continental Divide - that needed to be done, presumably at once 
and in a way that wouldn't cast a pall on the Academy Awards, depress 
television ad sales at the Super Bowl, frighten the chauffeurs at 
Goldman Sachs.

The messages came back with appeals for some sort of uplifting vision in 
a desert, the priority a watchword to reawaken the American spirit, 
redecorate the front parlor of the American soul. This request I took to 
mean that instead of bringing a polemic to Massachusetts or a piety to 
Texas, I could send the website link to Twain. He doesn't set much store 
by moral calisthenics or the laundering of soup-stained souls, but even 
as presented in academic grave cloths by the editors in California, his 
autobiography renders moot the funeral arrangements for the American 
idea. The man is at play with the freedom of his mind, which, unless I 
misread the history lesson, is what America is about.

As Twain remembers but the policy planners in our midst tend to forget, 
the Constitution was made for the uses of the individual, an implement 
on the order of a plow, an axe, a surveyor's plumb line, the 
institutions of government meant to support the liberties of the people 
as opposed to the ambitions of the state. Love of country follows from 
the love of its freedoms, not from a pride in its fleets, its armies, or 
its gross domestic product, and what joins the Americans one to another 
is not a common ancestry, race, or language, all of them weighted with 
the burdens of the past, but rather their complicity in a shared work of 
the imagination.

If America is about nothing else, it is about making it up as one goes 
along, the chance to build a raft of serviceable identity on which to 
float south to Vicksburg or the islands of the blessed. To read at will 
in Twain's autobiography is to be reminded that in one way or another 
the American is an improvisation, the character in a play of his or her 
own invention, hoping that the audience - fortunately consisting of 
actors as makeshift as oneself - will accept the performance at par, 
believe the instructions. Mark Twain was the name given by the young 
Samuel Langhorne Clemens to the figure first billed on San Francisco 
lecture platforms as the "Wild Humorist of The Pacific Slope". The nom 
de plume he requisitioned from Isaiah Sellers, a Mississippi River 
steamboat captain who contributed bulletins under that letterhead to the 
New Orleans Picayune. Clemens took the name after the captain's death, 
indebted to him for the first newspaper article he ever published, two 
columns of "the solid nonpareil", in which the captain had been the butt 
of the joke.

     Captain Sellers did me the honor to profoundly detest me from that 
day forth. When I say he did me the honor, I am not using empty words. 
It was a very real honor to be in the thoughts of so great a man as 
Captain Sellers, and I had wit enough to appreciate it and be proud of 
it. It was distinction to be loved by such a man; but it was much 
greater distinction to be hated by him, because he loved scores of 
people; but he didn't sit up nights to hate anybody but me.

America's moral code Twain understood to be political, the protection of 
the other fellow's liberty in exchange for the protecting of one's own, 
the object being to allow for the broadest range of expression and the 
widest room for maneuver, its emphasis on the companionable virtues - 
kindness, tolerance, and candor. The companionable virtues are not 
commandments that fall like heavy stones from heaven. They are the work 
of the one gift only that raises "bloody and atrocious man" to at least 
a modest height above the animals, Twain's judgment rendered in the 
absence of "respectworthy evidence that the human being has morals. He 
is himself the only witness. Persons who do not know him value his 
testimony."

Twain's faith in the uses of intellect informs the chapter of his Life 
on the Mississippi (1876) that takes up the topic of piloting steamboats:

     There is one faculty that the pilot must incessantly cultivate 
until he has brought it to absolute perfection . That faculty is memory. 
He cannot stop with merely thinking a thing is so and so, he must know 
it . One cannot easily realize what a tremendous thing it is to know 
every trivial detail of twelve hundred miles of river and know it with 
absolute exactness. If you will take the longest street in New York, and 
travel up and down it, conning its features patiently until you know 
every door and lamppost and big and little sign by heart, and know them 
so accurately that you could instantly name the one you are abreast of 
when you are set down at random in that street in the middle of an inky 
black night, you will then have a tolerable notion of the amount and the 
exactness of a pilot's knowledge who carries the Mississippi River in 
his head.

The exactness of Twain's intelligence was formed by the sight lines of 
the mid-nineteenth-century American frontier, grounded in the experience 
that the essayist and historian Bernard DeVoto recognized as that of a 
young man accustomed to scenes of human squalor and depravity, who had 
"observed night-riding and lynching, the flogging of slaves", was 
familiar with the "commonplaces of lust and corruption, violence and 
subornation and cruelty", "who as a printer had been little better than 
a tramp", had joined the surge westward to the Nevada silver mines and 
the California goldfields, had "conversed with murderers and harlots", 
had seen a sizable number of men die "in their boots under his immediate 
observation". A mise en scene in which the man who didn't see clearly 
didn't live long enough to hear the punch line and get the joke.

The clarity of Twain's perception presented him with difficulties when 
he first undertook the project of an autobiography in 1877, at the age 
of forty-two, already established as a famous author and confident that 
he could employ the approach that in 1859 had shaped his navigations of 
the Mississippi River. He soon encountered snags and shoals unlike those 
above and below Island 66, many years later admitting to a reporter from 
the London Times,

     You cannot lay bare your private soul and look at it. You are too 
much ashamed of yourself. It's too disgusting.

Despite the hazards both apparent and submerged, he was unwilling to 
abandon the project. He had in mind both the story of a life and the 
portrait of an age, and over the course of the next twenty-five years he 
attempts thirty or forty further drafts, all of them unsatisfactory 
because "life does not consist mainly - or even largely - of facts and 
happenings. It consists mainly of a storm of thoughts that is forever 
blowing through one's head", and therefore too quickly come and gone. 
Together with the sheafs of misbegotten paper, his doubts accumulate 
during the years in which he is also writing nine other books, among 
them Huckleberry Finn (1884). To his friend William Dean Howells, the 
novelist and turn-of-the-century dean of American letters, he says that 
maybe "between the lines some shred of the 'remorseless truth'" will 
show up in a manuscript that otherwise "consists mainly of extinctions 
of the truth, shirkings of the truth, partial revealments of the truth".

Twain doesn't intend an examination of his inner child or a confession 
from his cloistered id. He is by nature reserved, and although he 
admires the candid memoirs of both Jean-Jacques Rousseau and Giacomo 
Casanova, he knows himself incapable of similar indiscretions.

Eventually he takes to heart the advice from his friend John Hay, a 
former secretary to President Abraham Lincoln and secretary of state in 
the McKinley Administration, who suggests that he proceed by inference 
and indirection to describe the dramatis personae of whom he has some 
knowledge, and in so doing find himself reflected in the mirror of his 
observation, "each fact and each fiction will be a dab of paint, each 
will fall in its right place, and together they will paint his portrait; 
but not the portrait he thinks they are painting, but his real portrait, 
the inside of him, the soul of him, his character". He will, of course, 
tell lies, but "half-consciously" instead of "bluntly", in a way that 
"makes his general form comely, with his virtuous prominences 
discernable and his ungracious ones in shadow".

And thus it comes to pass, the result of Twain's electing to talk, not 
write, his autobiography. He begins the experiment in 1904 in Florence, 
where he has rented a handsome villa in which to care for his cherished 
but dying wife. Knowing that his own turn in the pilothouse is nearly 
up, he writes to Howells to say, "I've struck it!", a method that both 
suits his temperament and matches his talent for telling stories.

     You will be astonished (& charmed) to see how like talk it is, & 
how real it sounds, & how well & compactly & sequentially it constructs 
itself, & what a dewy & breezy & woodsy freshness it has, & what a 
darling & worshipful absence of the signs of starch, & flatiron, & labor 
& fuss & the other artificialities!

By artificialities he means his prior efforts with pen and ink, which 
are "too literary, too prim, too nice".

     Narrative should flow as flows the brook down through the hills and 
the leafy woodlands . a brook that never goes straight for a minute, but 
goes, and goes briskly, sometimes ungrammatically, and sometimes 
fetching a horseshoe three-quarters of a mile around and at the end of 
the circuit flowing within a yard the path that it traversed an hour 
before; but always going, and always following at least one law, always 
loyal to that law, the law of narrative, which has no law. Nothing to do 
but make the trip; the how of it is not important so that the trip is made.

His wife doesn't survive her season in the Italian sun, and soon after 
Twain returns to America, he casts himself loose on the flood tide of 
his memory, giving his deposition to a series of stenographers while 
lying garrulously abed, "propped up against great snowy white pillows", 
in a Fifth Avenue town house three blocks north of Washington Square, 
here and there introducing into the record miscellaneous exhibits - 
previously published speeches, anecdotes and sketches, newspaper 
clippings, brief biographies, letters, philosophical digressions and 
theatrical asides - that he thinks might serve to mark the passage of 
his life. Conceiving the dictations as a "bequest to posterity", he 
composes his farewell address over a period of nearly four years, from 
the winter of 1906 until a few months before his death in the spring of 
1910, imposing on his testimony the condition that it not be published 
before the passing of another hundred years.

His reason is twofold. He can speak freely, be "as frank and free and 
unembarrassed as a love letter if I knew that what I was writing would 
be exposed to no eye until I was dead, and unaware, and indifferent". He 
also can avoid the inflicting of collateral damage. As both best-selling 
author and for forty years a popular attraction on lecture platforms in 
front of literary swells in Boston, noble lords in London, and 
dance-hall girls in Carson City, Twain had aimed to please, to produce 
laughter in commercial quantity. The laughter he regarded as a blessing 
and a comfort, humor "the great thing, the saving thing" that makes 
bearable the acquaintance with grief, his own and that of everybody else 
in the saloon, the theater, or the drawing room. He didn't wish to hurt 
anybody's feelings by revealing "every private opinion I possessed 
relative to religion, politics, and men", and he told his literary heirs 
and assigns that a century's tape delay was time enough to remove from 
the company of his prospective readers any and all likely to take offense.

     This book is not a revenge-record. When I build a fire under a 
person in it, I do not do it merely because of the enjoyment I get out 
of seeing him fry, but because he is worth the trouble. It is then a 
compliment, a distinction; let him give thanks and keep quiet. I do not 
fry the small, the commonplace, the unworthy.

Twain's literary heirs and assigns haven't done him any favors. The book 
is cumbersome and heavy (736 pages, four pounds), the footnotes overly 
extensive, much of the text picked over by prior editors (among them 
DeVoto) and elsewhere exposed to the light of print. Twain didn't get 
his expected chance to amend or revise a completed manuscript eventually 
running to a length of 2,600 pages; the deposition taken over the last 
four years of his life has been reduced to the fragment given during the 
three months between January 9 and March 30 1906, his instructions 
honored in the breach, but his editors promising to release volumes two 
and three sometime in the next ten years.

And yet, against all odds and expectations, the book sold upward of 
300,000 copies within the first six weeks of publication. Allow for the 
customary deductions (a third of the copies bought as Christmas 
ornaments, another third as table decorations), and the country 
apparently still has on hand at least 100,000 citizens willing to place 
a $34.95 bet on the force of language and the play of mind. The number 
compares favorably with the populations of Periclean Athens and 
Elizabethan London and embodies a better hope for the American future 
than any anxious policy paper passed around the winter conference tables 
of despair.

Twain offers his autobiography as an omnium-gatherum, its author 
reserving the right to wander at will all over his life, talk only about 
the thing that interests him at the moment, "drop it the moment its 
interest threatens to pale". He leaves the reader free to adopt the same 
practice, which is a kindness because much of the interest in what Twain 
has to say is so pale that it is barely visible, sometimes as monotonous 
as the conversation that he reports his having suffered under the baton 
of the Civil War general Daniel Sickles, which reminded him of "the late 
Bill Nye once saying, 'I have been told that Wagner's music is better 
than it sounds'". The often sluggish going of Twain's narrative around a 
long horseshoe bend doesn't give offense because his reader isn't 
obliged to be polite, isn't sitting with a one-legged general in a West 
9th Street parlor festooned with "lion skins, tiger skins, leopard 
skins, elephant skins . gushing sprays of swords fastened in trophy form 
against the wall". If I come across Twain recalling a meeting of the 
Hartford Monday Evening Club in 1884 at which the subject of discussion 
is the price of cigars or the befriending of cats, I can skip over as 
many pages as I please to find him in Honolulu in 1866 with the 
survivors of forty-three days at sea in an open boat, or discover him in 
Calcutta in 1896 in the company of Mary Wilson, "old and gray-haired, 
but . very handsome", a woman whom he had much admired in her prior 
incarnation as a young woman in 1849 in Hannibal, Missouri:

     We sat down and talked. We steeped our thirsty souls in the 
reviving wine of the past, the pathetic past, the beautiful past, the 
dear and lamented past; we uttered the names that had been silent upon 
our lips for fifty years, and it was as if they were made of music; with 
reverent hands we unburied our dead, the mates of our youth, and 
caressed them with our speech; we searched the dusty chambers of our 
memories and dragged forth incident after incident, episode after 
episode, folly after folly, and laughed such good laughs over them, with 
the tears running down .

The topic of Twain's autobiography is America and the Americans, his own 
life the progress of an observant pilgrim carrying in his head the 
reviving wine of the past as if it were the Mississippi River, the flow 
and stream of time caught up in the net of his comprehensive and 
comprehending memory. No other writer of his generation had touched the 
life of the country in so many places, or become familiar with as many 
of its oddly assorted inhabitants. Born in 1835 on the frontier of what 
was still Indian Territory, Twain had been present not only at the wheel 
of the steamboat Pennsylvania and at the pithead of the Comstock Lode 
but at dinner tables with Presidents Ulysses Grant and Theodore 
Roosevelt, on stages with Artemus Ward, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Bret Harte, 
and Booker T Washington. He also traveled forty-nine times across the 
Atlantic and once across the Indian Ocean and the Pacific, as a dutiful 
tourist surveying the sights in Rome, Paris, and the Holy Land; as an 
itinerant sage entertaining crowds in Australia and Ceylon; as a visitor 
in London in 1897 for the pageant that was Queen Victoria's Diamond 
Jubilee, in Vienna in 1896 for a parading of the plumes of the Hapsburg 
Empire, "bodies of men-at-arms in the darling velvets of the Middle Ages 
. beautiful costumes not to be seen in this world now outside the opera 
and the picture-books".

The scenes of foreign pomp and circumstance serve Twain as occasions to 
prefer the unpretentiousness of things American. The turn of his mind is 
democratic. He holds his fellow citizens in thoughtful regard not 
because they are rich or beautiful or famous but because they are his 
fellow citizens. He finds them plying trades in Massachusetts, building 
roads in Illinois, murdering one another in Nevada and California, 
outward bound toward some optimistic future across the next stretch of 
mountains or around the next bend in the river where the rainbow falls 
into the pot of gold. He employs his dictations as "a form and method 
whereby the past and the present are constantly brought face-to-face 
resulting in contrasts which newly fire up the interest all along like 
contact of flint with steel". He does not favor the "showy episodes" of 
his life, choosing instead "the common experiences" that make up the 
life of the average human being, and among the great snowy pillows on 
lower Fifth Avenue in the last years of his life, he brings them face to 
face in the contrapuntal music that is his play with words, something 
seen in Berlin in 1891 reminding him of something else seen in San 
Francisco in 1864, an impression of the first time he saw Florence in 
1892 sending him back to Missouri in 1847:

     The life which I led there with my cousins was full of charm, and 
so is the memory of it yet. I can call back the solemn twilight and 
mystery of the deep woods, the earthy smells, the faint odors of the 
wild flowers, the sheen of rain-washed foliage, the rattling clatter of 
drops when the wind shook the trees, the far-off hammering of 
woodpeckers and the muffled drumming of wood pheasants in the 
remotenesses of the forest, the snapshot glimpses of disturbed wild 
creatures scurrying through the grass, - and I can call it all back and 
make it as real as it ever was, and as blessed. I can call back the 
prairie, and its loneliness and peace, and a vast hawk hanging 
motionless in the sky, with his wings spread wide and the blue of the 
vault showing through the fringe of their end-feathers . I can see the 
blue clusters of wild grapes hanging amongst the foliage of the 
saplings, and I remember the taste of them and the smell.

The first volume of Twain's autobiographical project is for the most 
part taken up with his saving humor and gregarious affections, the 
character of his mind revealed, as his friend John Hay had foreseen, in 
the dabs of paint that Twain applies to the figure in the foreground.

An encounter with John Hay's wife:

     That Sunday morning, twenty-five years ago, Hay and I had been 
chatting and laughing and carrying-on almost like our earlier selves of 
'67, when the door opened and Mrs Hay, gravely clad, gloved, bonneted, 
and just from church, and fragrant with the odors of Presbyterian 
sanctity, stood in it. We rose to our feet at once, of course, - rose 
through a swiftly falling temperature - a temperature which at the 
beginning was soft and summer-like, but which was turning our breath and 
all other damp things so to frost crystals by the time we were erect - 
but we got no opportunity to say the pretty and polite thing and offer 
the homage due: the comely young matron forestalled us. She came forward 
smileless, with disapproval written all over her face, said most coldly, 
"Good morning Mr Clemens", and passed on and out.

     There was an embarrassed pause - I may say a very embarrassed 
pause. If Hay was waiting for me to speak, it was a mistake; I couldn't 
think of a word. It was soon plain to me that the bottom had fallen out 
of his vocabulary, too. When I was able to walk I started toward the 
door, and Hay, grown gray in a single night, so to speak, limped feebly 
at my side, making no moan, saying no word. At the door his ancient 
courtesy rose and bravely flickered for a moment, then went out. That is 
to say, he tried to ask me to call again, but at that point his ancient 
sincerity rose against the fiction and squelched it. Then he tried 
another remark, and that one he got through with. He said pathetically, 
and apologetically,

     "She is very strict about Sunday".

In the old Music Hall in Boston, seated on the stage with Josh Billings 
and Petroleum V Nasby while another of the evening's humorists meets 
with the catastrophe of silence:

     We drew a deep sigh; it ought to have been a sigh of pity for a 
defeated fellow-craftsman, but it was not - for we were mean and 
selfish, like all the human race, and it was a sigh of satisfaction to 
see our unoffending brother fail.

On Olivia Langdon Clemens, to whom Twain had been married for 
thirty-four years and who died in Florence in June 1904:

     I saw her first in the form of an ivory miniature in her brother 
Charley's stateroom in the steamer Quaker City in the Bay of Smyrna, in 
the summer of 1867, when she was in her twenty-second year. I saw her in 
the flesh for the first time in New York in the following December. She 
was slender and beautiful and girlish - and she was both girl and woman. 
She remained both girl and woman to the last day of her life. Under a 
grave and gentle exterior burned inextinguishable fires of sympathy, 
energy, devotion, enthusiasm, and absolutely limitless affection.

On patriotism:

     I said that no party held the privilege of dictating to me how I 
should vote. That if party loyalty was a form of patriotism, I was no 
patriot, and that I didn't think I was much of a patriot anyway, for 
oftener than otherwise what the general body of Americans regarded as 
the patriotic course was not in accordance with my views; that if there 
was any valuable difference between being an American and a monarchist 
it lay in the theory that the American could decide for himself what is 
patriotic and what isn't; whereas the king could dictate the 
monarchist's patriotism for him - a decision which was final and must be 
accepted by the victim; that in my belief I was the only person in the 
sixty millions - with Congress and the Administration back of the sixty 
million - who was privileged to construct my patriotism for me.

     They said "Suppose the country is entering upon a war - where do 
you stand then? Do you arrogate to yourself the privilege of going your 
own way in the matter, in the face of the nation?"

     "Yes", I said, "that is my position. If I thought it an unrighteous 
war I would say so. If I were invited to shoulder a musket in that cause 
and march under that flag, I would decline. I would not voluntarily 
march under this country's flag, nor any other, when it was my private 
judgment that the country was in the wrong. If the country obliged me to 
shoulder the musket I could not help myself, but I would never 
volunteer. To volunteer would be the act of a traitor to myself, and 
consequently traitor to my country. If I refused to volunteer, I should 
be called a traitor, I am well aware of that - but that would not make 
me a traitor. The unanimous vote of the sixty millions could not make me 
a traitor. I should still be a patriot, and, in my opinion, the only one 
in the whole country.

On receiving the news of the death of his daughter Susy Clemens:

     It is one of the mysteries of our nature that a man, all 
unprepared, can receive a thunder-stroke like that and live. There is 
but one reasonable explanation of it. The intellect is stunned by the 
shock and but gropingly gathers the meaning of the words. The power to 
realize their full import is mercifully wanting. The mind has a dumb 
sense of vast loss - that is all. It will take mind and memory months, 
and possibly years, to gather together the details and thus learn and 
know the whole extent of the loss . It will be years before the tale of 
lost essentials is complete, and not till then can he truly know the 
magnitude of his disaster.

The seventy-five years of Twain's life (1835 to 1910) ran in parallel 
with America's transforming an agrarian democracy into an industrial 
oligarchy that brought with it the feasts of conspicuous consumption to 
which Twain gave the name the Gilded Age. He associated the phrase with 
the word citified, "that epithet which suggests the absence of all 
spirituality, and the presence of all kinds of paltry materialisms, and 
mean ideals, and mean vanities and silly cynicisms". He doesn't overlook 
his own paltry materialisms and mean vanities, and just as he can 
remember the taste and smell of the wild grapes among the foliage and 
saplings on the Missouri frontier, he can call back, "and make it as 
real as it ever was", the selfishness and hypocrisy that made both 
himself and America great. Thus on January 23 1906, comfortably placed 
on the Fifth Avenue pillows and in the midst of talking about some 
harmless clergyman among the members of the Hartford Monday Evening 
Club, he inserts a few notes on the character of man that he thinks 
might go well in a properly uplifting Sunday sermon:

     There are certain sweet-smelling sugar-coated lies current in the 
world which all politic men have apparently tacitly conspired together 
to support and perpetuate. One of these is, that there is such a thing 
in the world as independence: independence of thought, independence of 
opinion, independence of action .

     We are discreet sheep; we wait to see how the drove is going, and 
then go with the drove. We have two opinions: one private, which we are 
afraid to express; and another one - the one we use - which we force 
ourselves to wear to please Mrs Grundy, until habit makes us comfortable 
in it, and the custom of defending it presently makes us love it, adore 
it, and forget how pitifully we came by it. Look at it in politics. Look 
at the candidates whom we loathe, one year, and are afraid to vote 
against the next; whom we cover with unimaginable filth, one year, and 
fall down on the public platform and worship, the next - and keep on 
doing it until the habitual shutting of our eyes to last year's 
evidences brings us presently to a sincere and stupid belief in this 
year's .

     Let us skip the other lies, for brevity's sake. To consider them 
would prove nothing, except that man is what he is - loving toward his 
own, lovable, to his own, - his family, his friends - and otherwise the 
buzzing, busy trivial, enemy of his race - who tarries his little day, 
does his little dirt, commends himself to God, and then goes out into 
the darkness, to return no more, and send no messages back - selfish 
even in death.

On Friday, March 9, he's been talking about a slave woman who pulled him 
as a child out of Bear Creek, thereby saving his life even though she 
was "interfering with the intentions of a Providence wiser" than 
herself. When he resumes the dictation on Monday, March 12, he means to 
return to events in Missouri sixty years ago, but "strong as that 
interest is, it is for the moment pushed out of the way by an incident 
of to-day, which is still stronger". He refers to the publication in the 
New York papers on the preceding Friday of a triumphant cablegram sent 
to the government in Washington by General Leonard Wood, commander of 
America's army of occupation in the Philippines. Twain summarizes the 
message in a few sarcastic paragraphs. The intrepid troops under the 
direction of the heroic general have trapped a swarm of half-naked 
natives (600 Moros, counting women and children) in a crater fifty feet 
below the rim of a defunct volcano. The Moros are armed with knives and 
clubs. An equal number of American troops hoist artillery up to the rim 
of the volcano and shoot all the fish in the barrel, abolishing them 
utterly, says Twain, "leaving not even a baby alive to cry for its dead 
mother". He enters into the record the congratulatory telegram sent to 
the general by President Theodore Roosevelt.

     Washington, March 10

     Wood, Manila: -

     I congratulate you and the officers and men of your command upon 
the brilliant feat of arms wherein you and they so well upheld the honor 
of the American flag.

     (Signed) Theodore Roosevelt

Twain is acquainted with Roosevelt, describes him elsewhere in his 
dictations as a "likeable", "hearty", and "straight-forward" sort of 
man, who therefore is certain to know that he is lying, that it would 
not have been "a brilliant feat of arms" even if Christian America, 
represented by its salaried soldiers, had shot them down with Bibles and 
the Golden Rule instead of bullets. He knew perfectly well that our 
uniformed assassins had not upheld the honor of the American flag but 
had done as they had been doing continually in the Philippines - that is 
to say, they had dishonored it.

What saddens Twain and therefore sharpens the edge of his satire ("The 
President's joy over the splendid achievement of his fragrant pet, 
General Wood") is the laying waste of Roosevelt's humanity, his 
devolution into "a poor, cheap, wormy thing, like the rest of us, a 
sarcasm".

Twain is too intelligent not to see, as he noted in his interview with 
the London Times, the shameful and disgusting contents of his own 
private soul, among them his lack of candor, his wearing a suit of words 
to please Mrs Grundy when it comes to the villainy of Roosevelt. He 
doesn't doubt the sincerity of the president's boyish enthusiasms, but 
the splendid little war with Spain he regards as the work of a criminal. 
It is an opinion he has expressed privately but not one that he has 
voiced in print, and he regrets his failure to do so in a letter to his 
daughter Clara, written two months before he died and appended to the 
autobiography in a footnote:

     Roosevelt closed my mouth years ago with a deeply valued, 
gratefully received, unasked favor; & with all my bitter detestation of 
him I have never been able to say a venomous thing about him in print 
since - that benignant deed always steps in the way & lays its 
consecrated hand upon my lips. I ought not to allow it to do this; & I 
am ashamed of allowing it, but I cannot help it, since I am made in that 
way, & did not make myself. {1}

{1} Twain does not reveal the favor.

Made, like all other men, as one of the Creator's prime miscarriages in 
invention and therefore apt to bury the light of intellect in the dung 
heap of moralizing cowardice. Twain again touches on the point in one of 
his further reflections on the Creator's gifts to man and beast.

     The gods value morals alone; they have paid no compliments to 
intellect, nor offered it a single reward. If intellect is welcome 
anywhere in the other world, it is in hell, not heaven.

In hell's holiday resorts on earth, Twain's intellect is the weapon that 
he brings to the defense of what he construes as the American idea. He 
began the project of his autobiography in 1877, a year that the 
historian Allan Nevins ranked as "one of the blackest in the nation's 
annals". Then as now, the situation was desperate, the economy in dire 
straits, democracy on its deathbed. The country was in severe 
depression, the rates of unemployment, bankruptcy, and business failure 
pegged to unprecedented levels of violence, poverty, and despair. The 
presidential election of 1876 had been thoroughly corrupted by 
fraudulent vote counts in favor of each candidate (the Republican 
Rutherford B Hayes, the Democrat Samuel J Tilden, both of them held 
captive by the banks). A number of Republican politicians had been 
murdered in the Southern states for their disagreement with the policy 
of lynching Negroes. The Lincoln County war in New Mexico encouraged the 
random shooting of Mexicans; mobs formed in the streets of San Francisco 
to beat to death the Yellow Peril as personified in Chinese laundrymen 
and shopkeepers. A railroad strike in West Virginia that began in July 
became the first national strike in the country's history, 500,000 
workers walking away from factories and mines everywhere between New 
Jersey and California. Strikers in Pittsburgh set fire to the property 
of the Pennsylvania Railroad, destroying 39 buildings, 104 engines, 46 
passenger cars, more than 1,200 freight cars. The disturbance moved Tom 
Scott, president of the railroad, to suggest that the strikers be given 
"a rifle diet for a few days and see how they liked that kind of bread". 
State militia and federal troops complied with the suggestion, killing 
more than a hundred strikers in Maryland and Pennsylvania.

Twain's view of the proceedings is a good deal clearer than that of our 
own latter-day viewers-with-alarm. Our reluctance to see democracy for 
what it is follows from the dream of perfection reflected in the 
department-store windows of a self-glorifying second Gilded Age. Twain 
had counted the cost of the imperial plumes and darling velvets. His 
life was coincident with the calamity that was the collision of the 
democratic ideal with the democratic reality, the warm promise of a 
generous experiment run aground on the reef of destruction that is the 
damned human race. Although less evident in this first volume of his 
autobiography than in his later books and newspaper writings - A 
Connecticut Yankee in King Arthur's Court (1889), Following the Equator 
(1897), Pudd'nhead Wilson (1894), "An Open Letter to Commodore 
Vanderbilt", and To the Person Sitting in Darkness (1901) - the 
intelligence that is generous, intuitive, and sympathetic is also, in 
DeVoto's parsing of it, "undeluded, merciless and final". An early 
executor of Twain's literary estate, DeVoto had a better understanding 
of Twain's humor than do most of our contemporary critics, among them 
last winter's reviewers of the autobiography for The New Yorker and the 
New York Times, who chose to see him as an amiable after-dinner speaker, 
a man who told funny stories and smoked cigars, had worn a white suit 
and by some inexplicable chance had written two important books for 
boys, but not the sort of fellow whom one would wish to mention in the 
same ennobling breath with Mr Henry James.

A similarly condescending tone infuriated DeVoto when he encountered it 
in New York's literary salons in the 1920s, dribbling from pursed lips 
onto the tea tables at the Century Club. The injustice of the faint 
praise moved DeVoto to publish Mark Twain's America in 1932, a book in 
which he ridicules the blind mouths of polite opinion:

     Criticism has said that [Twain] directed no humor against the 
abuses of his time: the fact is that research can find few elements of 
the age that Mark Twain did not burlesque, satirize, or deride. The 
whole obscene spectacle of government is passed in review - the 
presidency, the Congress, the basis of politics, the nature of 
democracy, the disintegration of power, the corruption of the electorate 
- bribery, depravity, subornation, the farce of the people's justice . 
The Gilded Age . is his creation, and in the wide expanse of his books, 
there are few social ulcers he does not probe.

A society that is the sum of its vanity and greed Twain understood to be 
not a society at all but a state of war. If in the volume at hand there 
is too little of his merciless and undeluded wit, there is enough of it 
to demonstrate why Twain these days is so sorely missed. Democracy is a 
dangerous business; it allies itself with change, which engenders 
movement, which induces friction, which implies unhappiness, which 
assumes conflict not only as the normal but also as the necessary 
condition of its existence. The idea collapses unless countervailing 
stresses oppose one another with competing weight - unless enough people 
stand willing to sustain the argument between the governing and the 
governed, between city and town, capital and labor, men and women, 
matter and mind.

Twain comes down on the side of the liberties of the people as opposed 
to the ambitions of the state, pitting the force of his intellect 
against the "peacock shams" of the world's "colossal humbug", believing 
that it is the freedoms of thought that rescue a democracy from its 
stupidities and crimes, the courage of its dissenting citizens that 
protects it against the despotism of wealth and power backed up with 
platitudes and billy clubs and subprime loans. His laughter turns toward 
the darker shores of tragedy as he grows older and moves downriver, 
drawing from the well of his sorrow the energy of his rage. He doesn't 
traffic in the mockery of the cynic or the bitterness of the 
misanthrope. He is a disenchanted philanthropist who retains his 
affection for individuals, a fierce skeptic who thinks that the 
Constitution is the premise for a narrative rather than the design for a 
monument or the plan of an invasion.

The narrative is plural, not one story but many stories, and "nothing to 
do but make the trip; the how of it not important so that the trip is 
made". If democracy is a constant making and remaking, of laws and 
institutions as well as jokes, the other fellow always has something to 
say without the prompt of a surveillance camera or a directive in the 
Patriot Act. The immortality of the whole overrules the immortality of 
the part, allows for the possibility that one's children might prove to 
be happier (or stronger or wiser or luckier) than oneself. It is the 
reviving wine of history that defends the future against the past, 
satire the arson that burns down the hospitality tents of complacent and 
self-righteous cant.

Our contemporary brigade of satirists doesn't play with fire. The heavy 
calibers of Twain's humor have gone missing from our news and 
entertainment media because the audiences made for television don't look 
with favor upon the kind of jokes that cast doubt on the guarantee of 
happiness and the promise of redemption. Taught to believe that 
democracy is something quiet, orderly, and safe, a peaceful idea 
supportive of think-tank viewings with alarm and the keeping of pets as 
fragrant as Alan Greenspan and General David Petraeus, they prefer the 
safer forms of satire fit for privileged and frightened children. Twain 
was an adult.

_____

Lewis H Lapham is editor emeritus of Harper's Magazine and the editor of 
Lapham's Quarterly.


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