http://hnn.us/node/141466

-- 
*Congress and Libya *
 Submitted by rjohnson on Thu, 2011-08-25 18:29

   - rjohnsons blog <http://hnn.us/hnn-b-type/7>
   -



Working in a field long dominated by the 30-year rule (in which key
documents don’t become available in the *Foreign Relations of the United
States *series until 30, or often more, years after the fact), it’s
remarkable to see how the internet has increased access to more recent
foreign policy documents.

On some occasions, it’s through established sites, such as the National
Security Archive or the Cold War International History Project. But in other
instances, it’s more haphazard, as in two documents released in the past few
days regarding Congress and U.S. foreign policy toward Libya.

The first, which has received some attention, came from
WikiLeaks<http://wikileaks.org/cable/2009/08/09TRIPOLI677.html>,
and involved a 2009 meeting between the Qaddafi regime and Senators John
McCain, Joe Lieberman, and Lindsay Graham. Lieberman mused about how “we
never would have guessed ten years ago that we would be sitting in Tripoli,
being welcomed by a son of Muammar al-Qadhafi,” while McCain promised to
push for increased U.S. arms shipments to Libya. The latter revelation
proved embarrassing to McCain given his criticism (and then churlish
acknowledgement<http://www.examiner.com/foreign-policy-in-washington-dc/sens-mccain-and-graham-praise-fall-of-qaddafi-criticize-obama-s-libya-policy>)
of Pres. Obama’s Libya policy.

The second document was referenced a few hours ago in the *Guardian
live-blog of Libyan
events<http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/middle-east-live/2011/aug/25/libya-rebels-hunt-gaddafi-live-updates#block-49>
*. The paper’s reporter on the ground, Luke Harding, has been going through
foreign policy documents recovered from the Qaddafi compound. Harding
discovered a strange Libyan effort to broker a Libyan-U.S. cease-fire . . .
by working through Ohio Representative Dennis Kucinich. (It would be hard to
imagine a less influential member of Congress in spring 2011.) The Libyans
wanted Kucinich to come to the country as part of an all-expenses paid
“peace mission,” but the congressman demurred, citing concerns for his
personal safety.

Then, in yet another bizarre misreading of Congress, a Libyan filmmaker
named Sufyan Omeish informed the regime, in a “highly important and strictly
confidential” document,” that Senate support for Obama’s policy was at such
an extent to make likely “a future ground invasion in either late September
or October of this year.” This, of course, was the same Congress that
featured members of both parties, in both houses, complaining that Obama had
committed U.S. air forces to battle without congressional authorization. It
was absurd to even consider a U.S. ground invasion ever was possible.
Omeishnonetheless informed Libyan officials that “a high-profile US
Congressman”
would lead the fight against a U.S. invasion.

In the past decade, diplomatic history has increasingly redefined itself as
“international history”—for practical reasons perhaps a good idea, since
doing so extracts the field from U.S. history, and the preference of hiring
committees for U.S. specialists in race, class, and gender. But the McCain
and Kucinich documents provide a reminder that, even if the profession would
like to believe otherwise, it’s hard to divorce domestic politics and
Congress from an analysis of U.S. foreign policy.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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