Sadly the US State Department negotiated agreement, endorsed by the OAS and
some ALBA countries (one particular country's foreign ministry, who has
made many foreign policy plunders) which has left them just as complicit
and has left  Honduras and its people and movements in shambles.

Cort

http://quotha.net/node/2193

 Honduras: When Engagement Becomes Complicity
Tue, 03/20/2012 - 21:15 — AP

Click title for original with proper formatting and links in FPIF. Spanish
translation available at Rebelión
AQUÍ<http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=146570>
.

Honduras: When Engagement Becomes
Complicity<http://www.fpif.org/articles/honduras_when_engagement_becomes_complicity>
By Laura Carlsen, March 15, 2012

U.S. Vice President Joe Biden traveled to Honduras on March 6 with a double
mission: to quell talk of drug legalization and reinforce the
U.S.-sponsored drug war in Central America, and to bolster the presidency
of Porfirio Lobo.

The Honduran government issued a statement that during the one-hour
closed-door conversation between Biden and Lobo, the vice president
“reiterated the U.S. commitment to intensify aid to the government and
people of Honduras, and exalted the efforts undertaken and implemented over
the past two years by President Lobo.”

In a March 1 press briefing, U.S. National Security Advisor Tony Blinken
cited “the tremendous leadership President Lobo has displayed in advancing
national reconciliation and democratic and constitutional order.”

You’d think they were talking about a different country from the one we
visited just weeks before on a fact-finding mission on violence against
women.

What we found was a nation submerged in violence and lawlessness, a
president incapable or unwilling to do much about it, and a justice system
in shambles.

Two-Year Slide

The crisis in human rights and governance in Honduras has become apparent
to the world and is a fact of daily life within the country. In the two
years since Lobo came to power in elections boycotted by the opposition,
Honduras catapulted into the top spot in the world for per capita homicides
— the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime’s (UNODC) Global Homicide
Survey found an official murder rate of 82 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2010.
There were 120 political assassinations in the country in 2010-2011. In the
region of Bajo Aguan, where peasants are defending their land from large
developers, 42 peasants have been murdered, and alongside 18 journalists,
62 members of the LGBT community, and 72 human rights activists have been
killed since 2009. The Honduran Center for Women’s Rights reports that
femicides have more than doubled and that more than one woman a day was
murdered in 2011.

An Inter-American Commission on Human Rights report on the Honduran coup
found at least seven deaths, harassment of opposition members,
disproportionate use of force by security forces, thousands of illegal
detentions, systematic violations of political rights and freedom of
expression, sexual violence, and other crimes, with almost no investigation
or prosecution.

Despite the fact that security forces perpetrated many of these crimes, the
response of the Honduran government — with the support of the United States
— has been to beef up military presence. One of the poorest nations in the
Western Hemisphere, Honduras increased its military expenditure from $63
million in 2005 to $160 million in 2010. The Lobo government justifies the
militarization saying that its own police forces can’t be relied on. He
told us in a meeting, “We’re working on cleaning up the police but it’s
going to take some years. The corruption is deep.”

The impunity with which common criminals, powerful transnational interests,
and elements of the state violate the most basic principles of society with
government complicity or indifference derives from the fact that the
government itself is erected on the violation of those principles. The
crisis in human rights and violence—as deep as it is—is but a symptom of a
greater evil. When the 2009 coup was allowed to conserve power and seal
itself off from prosecution, it immediately undermined governance, rule of
law, and the social compact. Honduras’ constitutional crisis has now become
a prolonged social and political crisis.

A Coup for Criminals

The coup d’état on June 28, 2009 was not only a criminal act. It was an act
designed to benefit criminals.

When members of the armed forces kidnapped democratically elected president
Manuel Zelaya and took him to Costa Rica in his pajamas, they destroyed the
the fragile democracy built since the era of military dictatorships. None
of the convoluted discussions of what the president had supposedly done to
deserve forcible removal changed the fact that the millennium’s first coup
d’état had taken place in the Americas. The OAS and every major diplomatic
body in the world immediately realized that Honduras had become the symbol
and the reality of the world’s new battles for democracy.

What many people don’t know is that the unraveling of the story is more
tragic than the coup itself—and holds even greater lessons for global
governance.. To make a long story short, the Honduran coup regime
incredibly survived international embargos and diplomatic negotiations that
in the end only served to extend its grasp on illegitimate power. The
disturbing suspicion that the U.S. government, the historic godfather of
the region, had given its blessing to the new regime became certainty when
the State Department negotiated an agreement that paved the way for
coup-sponsored elections without assuring the return of the elected
government.

Porfirio Lobo came to power, and a nation pummeled by poverty splintered
into an ungoverned free-for-all characterized by political polarization, a
surge in crime, and widespread land grabs. Honduras is not a failed state.
It’s a violated state.

Crime—common crime, organized crime, state crime, and corporate crime—has
thrived since the coup. Drug trafficking in the country has increased. The
most recent U.S. International Narcotics report calculates that 79 percent
of cocaine smuggling flights from South America use landing strips in
Honduras. Reports that Mexican kingpin El Chapo Guzman and others use
Honduras as a hideout surface frequently. Militarization of the country has
taken place alongside the spread of organized crime—a phenomenon that
should provoke some reflection. But the Honduran and U.S. governments have
been too busy promoting the drug war to pay attention to the correlation
between militarization and organized crime.

Land grabs to transfer land and resources from small-scale farmers,
indigenous peoples, and poor urban residents into the hands of large-scale
developers and megaprojects have generated violence throughout the country.
Many of the testimonies of violence and sexual abuse that we heard from
Honduran women regarded conflicts over land, where the regime actively
supports wealthy interests against poor people in illegal land occupations
for tourism, mining, and infrastructure projects, such as palm oil magnate
Miguel Facusse’s actions in Bajo Aguan.

The lack of investigation and prosecution for crimes — and the evidence
that state forces are involved in human rights violations against
opposition and “undesirable” sectors — creates a paradise for criminals and
a hell for the majority of citizens.

U.S. Engagement or Complicity?

U.S. responsibility for what happened after the coup is a question that
deserves far more analysis and soul-searching. By choosing not to support a
return to democratic order and political healing before presidential
elections, the United States helped deliver a serious blow to the Honduran
political system and society. The United States has a tremendous
responsibility for the disastrous situation, and the urgent question is
what to do about it.

Biden stressed U.S. programs to vet police and justice officials. When we
met with U.S. Ambassador Lisa Kubriskie, she insisted that continuing to
fund Honduran security forces would eventually lead to reform by “engaging”
with government forces.

But even if that did happen, in the meantime those government forces are
murdering, raping, beating, and detaining Hondurans — with U.S. aid.

When does engagement become complicity? Citizen groups and members of the
U.S. Congress have come to the conclusion that the line was crossed some
time ago. So far, more than 60 members of Congress have signed a letter
circulated by Rep. Jan Schakowsky (D-IL) to cut off aid to the Honduran
military and police, claiming that the funding of these institutions fuels
the abuse.

There’s no excuse for spending U.S. taxpayer dollars on security assistance
to Honduras as human rights violations pile up. No amount of money poured
into these programs will change the systemic corruption and human rights
violations until there’s a real political commitment to justice and
reconciliation. And that does not appear to exist under the current regime.



http://quotha.net/node/2195

Government Security Farces
Tue, 03/20/2012 - 22:43 — AP

Honduras will host a big Security
Summit<http://m.laprensa.hn/content/view/full/60078>in San Pedro on
the 28th and 29th, funded by USAID, the World Bank, and the
U.S. Embassy in Honduras. There, despite the touchy-feely rhetoric of the
propaganda, the participants including ambassador Kubiske and Lobo will
certainly rally for support for more strong fist policing, the same kind
that has failed miserably in the region for the past
decade<http://hondurasculturepolitics.blogspot.com/2012/03/mano-dura-again.html>.
It with also focus on "rescuing the youth." God save us all.

This of course follows Biden's
visit<http://news.xinhuanet.com/english/world/2012-03/07/c_131451248.htm?utm_source=dlvr.it&utm_medium=feed>,
a pathetic attempt to drum up support for U.S.-funded militarization of
Mexico and Central America using the "drug war" as excuse in the wake of
the Comayagua prison massacre outside the U.S. military base, and
anticipating the Schakowsky and Mikulski letters demanding a suspension of
military and police aid, and an investigation into human rights abuses,
respectively. As mentioned earlier this week, State has been in damage
control <http://quotha.net/node/2190> mode, as has the Lobo
administration<http://quotha.net/node/2189>.
And the strategy of pretending the Congressional letters stated things they
didn't and/or didn't state the things they did is well-coordinated. Just
after the State Department refused to stop all aid (which the letters had
never demanded) the *golpista* newspaper *La Tribuna* came out with a
story reassuring
Hondurans that aid will continue to flow, and that the State Department
cares deeply about human rights and freedom of speech in
Honduras<http://www.latribuna.hn/2012/03/16/ee-uu-continuara-el-envio-de-ayuda-a-honduras/#idc-container>.


John Lindsay Poland has demonstrated that far too much of the so-called aid
we're sending to Honduras is aimed at turning the country into the Pentagon
Hub for Central
America<http://forusa.org/blogs/john-lindsay-poland/honduras-grows-pentagon-hub-central-america/10311>.
Suspending that kind of military and militarized police aid—not
"humanitarian" aid (much of it aimed at efforts like privatizing Honduran
education)—is what the Schakowsky letter calls for.

Meanwhile, InSight Crime <http://insightcrime.org/index.php> gets free
advertising <http://www.linktv.org/latinpulse/podcasts> (March 2 podcast)
from American University where we are both based. It appears to now be
downplaying its major Soros funding in favor of its partnership with Fundación
Ideas de la Paz <http://www.ideaspaz.org/portal/index.php/acerca-de-la-fip>—an
organization "created in 1999 by a group of Colombian businessmen." InSight
continues providing propaganda to support the increasing militarization of
the hemisphere with stories about the drug and gang menaces—as usual,
un-fact-checked and devoid of any structural and/or intelligent analysis
whatsoever.


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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