April 6, 2012


Our Men in Iran?


Posted by Seymour M. Hersh
<http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/bios/seymour_m_hersh/search?contributorNa
me=Seymour%20M.%20Hersh> 

hersh-iran.jpg

>From the air, the terrain of the Department of Energy’s Nevada National
Security Site, with its arid high plains and remote mountain peaks, has the
look of northwest Iran. The site, some sixty-five miles northwest of Las
Vegas, was once used for nuclear testing, and now includes a
counterintelligence training facility and a private airport capable of
handling Boeing 737 aircraft. It’s a restricted area, and inhospitable—in
certain sections, the curious are warned that the site’s security personnel
are authorized to use deadly force, if necessary, against intruders. 

It was here that the Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) conducted
training, beginning in 2005, for members of the Mujahideen-e-Khalq, a
dissident Iranian opposition group known in the West as the M.E.K. The
M.E.K. had its beginnings as a Marxist-Islamist student-led group and, in
the nineteen-seventies, it was linked to the assassination of six American
citizens. It was initially part of the broad-based revolution that led to
the 1979 overthrow of the Shah of Iran. But, within a few years, the group
was waging a bloody internal war with the ruling clerics, and, in 1997, it
was listed as a foreign terrorist organization by the State Department. In
2002, the M.E.K. earned some international credibility by publicly
revealing—accurately—that Iran had begun enriching uranium at a secret
underground location. Mohamed ElBaradei, who at the time was the director
general of the International Atomic Energy Agency, the United Nations’
nuclear monitoring agency, told me later that he had been informed that the
information was supplied by the Mossad. The M.E.K.’s ties with Western
intelligence deepened after the fall of the Iraqi regime in 2003, and JSOC
began operating inside Iran in an effort to substantiate the Bush
Administration’s fears that Iran was building the bomb at one or more secret
underground locations. Funds were covertly passed to a number of dissident
organizations, for intelligence collection and, ultimately, for anti-regime
terrorist activities. Directly, or indirectly, the M.E.K. ended up with
resources like arms and intelligence. Some American-supported covert
operations continue in Iran today, according to past and present
intelligence officials and military consultants. 

Despite the growing ties, and a much-intensified lobbying effort organized
by its advocates, M.E.K. has remained on the State Department’s list of
foreign terrorist organizations—which meant that secrecy was essential in
the Nevada training. “We did train them here, and washed them through the
Energy Department because the D.O.E. owns all this land in southern Nevada,”
a former senior American intelligence official told me. “We were deploying
them over long distances in the desert and mountains, and building their
capacity in communications—coördinating commo is a big deal.” (A spokesman
for J.S.O.C. said that “U.S. Special Operations Forces were neither aware of
nor involved in the training of M.E.K. members.”) 

The training ended sometime before President Obama took office, the former
official said. In a separate interview, a retired four-star general, who has
advised the Bush and Obama Administrations on national-security issues, said
that he had been privately briefed in 2005 about the training of Iranians
associated with the M.E.K. in Nevada by an American involved in the program.
They got “the standard training,” he said, “in commo, crypto [cryptography],
small-unit tactics, and weaponry—that went on for six months,” the retired
general said. “They were kept in little pods.” He also was told, he said,
that the men doing the training were from JSOC, which, by 2005, had become a
major instrument in the Bush Administration’s global war on terror. “The
JSOC trainers were not front-line guys who had been in the field, but
second- and third-tier guys—trainers and the like—and they started going off
the reservation. ‘If we’re going to teach you tactics, let me show you some
really sexy stuff…’ ” 

It was the ad-hoc training that provoked the worried telephone calls to him,
the former general said. “I told one of the guys who called me that they
were all in over their heads, and all of them could end up trouble unless
they got something in writing. The Iranians are very, very good at
counterintelligence, and stuff like this is just too hard to contain.” The
site in Nevada was being utilized at the same time, he said, for advanced
training of élite Iraqi combat units. (The retired general said he only knew
of the one M.E.K.-affiliated group that went though the training course; the
former senior intelligence official said that he was aware of training that
went on through 2007.) 

Allan Gerson, a Washington attorney for the M.E.K., notes that the M.E.K.
has publicly and repeatedly renounced terror. Gerson said he would not
comment on the alleged training in Nevada. But such training, if true, he
said, would be “especially incongruent with the State Department’s decision
to continue to maintain the M.E.K. on the terrorist list. How can the U.S.
train those on State’s foreign terrorist list, when others face criminal
penalties for providing a nickel to the same organization?”

Robert Baer, a retired C.I.A. agent who is fluent in Arabic and had worked
under cover in Kurdistan and throughout the Middle East in his career,
initially had told me in early 2004 of being recruited by a private American
company—working, so he believed, on behalf of the Bush Administration—to
return to Iraq. “They wanted me to help the M.E.K. collect intelligence on
Iran’s nuclear program,” Baer recalled. “They thought I knew Farsi, which I
did not. I said I’d get back to them, but never did.” Baer, now living in
California, recalled that it was made clear to him at the time that the
operation was “a long-term thing—not just a one-shot deal.”

Massoud Khodabandeh, an I.T. expert now living in England who consults for
the Iraqi government, was an official with the M.E.K. before defecting in
1996. In a telephone interview, he acknowledged that he is an avowed enemy
of the M.E.K., and has advocated against the group. Khodabandeh said that he
had been with the group since before the fall of the Shah and, as a computer
expert, was deeply involved in intelligence activities as well as providing
security for the M.E.K. leadership. For the past decade, he and his English
wife have run a support program for other defectors. Khodabandeh told me
that he had heard from more recent defectors about the training in Nevada.
He was told that the communications training in Nevada involved more than
teaching how to keep in contact during attacks—it also involved
communication intercepts. The United States, he said, at one point found a
way to penetrate some major Iranian communications systems. At the time, he
said, the U.S. provided M.E.K. operatives with the ability to intercept
telephone calls and text messages inside Iran—which M.E.K. operatives
translated and shared with American signals intelligence experts. He does
not know whether this activity is ongoing. 

Five Iranian nuclear scientists have been assassinated since 2007. M.E.K.
spokesmen have denied any involvement in the killings, but early last month
NBC News quoted two senior Obama Administration officials as confirming that
the attacks were carried out by M.E.K. units that were financed and trained
by Mossad, the Israeli secret service. NBC further quoted the Administration
officials as denying any American involvement in the M.E.K. activities. The
former senior intelligence official I spoke with seconded the NBC report
that the Israelis were working with the M.E.K., adding that the operations
benefitted from American intelligence. He said that the targets were not
“Einsteins”; “The goal is to affect Iranian psychology and morale,” he said,
and to “demoralize the whole system—nuclear delivery vehicles, nuclear
enrichment facilities, power plants.” Attacks have also been carried out on
pipelines. He added that the operations are “primarily being done by M.E.K.
through liaison with the Israelis, but the United States is now providing
the intelligence.” An adviser to the special-operations community told me
that the links between the United States and M.E.K. activities inside Iran
had been long-standing. “Everything being done inside Iran now is being done
with surrogates,” he said.

The sources I spoke to were unable to say whether the people trained in
Nevada were now involved in operations in Iran or elsewhere. But they
pointed to the general benefit of American support. “The M.E.K. was a total
joke,” the senior Pentagon consultant said, “and now it’s a real network
inside Iran. How did the M.E.K. get so much more efficient?” he asked
rhetorically. “Part of it is the training in Nevada. Part of it is
logistical support in Kurdistan, and part of it is inside Iran. M.E.K. now
has a capacity for efficient operations than it never had before.” 

In mid-January, a few days after an assassination by car bomb of an Iranian
nuclear scientist in Tehran, Secretary of Defense Leon Panetta, at a
town-hall meeting of soldiers at Fort Bliss, Texas, acknowledged that the
U.S. government has “some ideas as to who might be involved, but we don’t
know exactly who was involved.” He added, “But I can tell you one thing: the
United States was not involved in that kind of effort. That’s not what the
United States does.”

 


Read more
<http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/newsdesk/2012/04/mek.html?printable=t
rue&currentPage=all#ixzz1rHa3bDmX>
http://www.newyorker.com/online/blogs/newsdesk/2012/04/mek.html?printable=tr
ue&currentPage=all#ixzz1rHa3bDmX

 

 



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