http://forward.com/articles/155952/maurice-sendak-author-who-scared-generati
ons-of-ki/

Maurice Sendak, Author Who Scared Generations of Kids


Appreciation



 Wild Things: Author Maurice Sendak was loved by generations of children for
his imaginative and scary picturebooks.
<http://forward.com/workspace/assets/images/articles/w-sendak-051012.jpg> 
getty images
Wild Things: Author Maurice Sendak was loved by generations of children for
his imaginative and scary picturebooks.


By Laurel  <http://forward.com/authors/laurel-snyder/> Snyder


The (Jewish) Forward:  May 09, 2012, 

Maurice Sendak’s untethered landscapes and crazy creatures set a high bar
for my own games of make-believe. As a child, I wanted to crawl
<http://www.nytimes.com/1981/06/01/books/books-of-the-times-139237.html>
“Outside Over There.” I longed for a
<http://www.amazon.com/In-Night-Kitchen-Caldecott-Collection/dp/0060266686>
“Night Kitchen” of my own. And I was sure that I knew exactly how I’d dance
at a  <http://www.amazon.com/Where-Wild-Things-Maurice-Sendak/dp/0060254920>
“Wild Things” style Rumpus. But as a parent, there’s something I love even
more than Sendak’s imagination. I love his honesty.

Adults like to think that children live in a happy place — free from care
and worry. We want to protect our kids, to imagine them safe and sound. We
speak in hushed tones when we fight with our spouses, and turn off the radio
when a news story gets gory. We don’t want to upset our kids. But this is
our tale, our make-believe. In fact, children live in a confusing and
sometimes scary world, and of course they know it.

Maurice Sendak, who died May 8 at age 83, knew it, too, and even in his most
whimsical moments, he allowed his characters and his readers a wide range of
experience and emotion. However otherworldly his stories got, they were
always rooted in honest depictions of the real world. His focus was often
the snarls on the inside as well as the outside of his characters.

Decades later, we read Sendak’s books as classics. We accept them as sweet
and charming. But when they came out they were shocking, and we might do
well to reread them, and think about that…

 
<http://www.amazon.com/Pierre-Cautionary-Tale-Chapters-Prologue/dp/006443252
1> Pierredoesn’t care. Ida — slipping off to “Outside Over There” — resents
her baby sister, as most older siblings do. Max makes mischief in his wolf
suit, and when the world gnashes its terrible teeth, he gnashes back.
Nowhere does a parent hold a child’s hand. Nowhere does a parent follow
closely behind. Sendak’s creations are at times petulant, lonely, homesick
and angry. They get sad. They shout. They worry. A lot like regular kids.

Then, by the end of each story, the characters are always smarter, better
off because of the danger, because of the unpleasant experiences and the
frustrations. This is, of course, how actual kids learn actual things. The
bowl of porridge — “still hot,” as it is in “Wild Things”— is always more
comforting after the frightening adventure, isn’t it?

During
<http://www.colbertnation.com/the-colbert-report-videos/406796/january-24-20
12/grim-colberty-tales-with-maurice-sendak-pt--1> a recent appearance on
“The Colbert Report,” Sendak told Stephen Colbert, “I don’t write for
children… I write. And somebody says, that’s for children.”

Now, I’m not certain that I believe Sendak’s soundbite. I’m pretty sure he
knew for whom he was writing. But I also think that the essence of the
statement is true — because I think that Sendak expected children to live in
the same world as the rest of us.

Much has been made of Sendak’s Jewish background, and the fact that many of
his family members died in concentration camps. “The Holocaust has run like
a river of blood through all my books,” he once said. And I can’t help
thinking about that now, as I reflect on how much the world has changed
since Maurice Sendak started out, as I consider the confusion and fear that
must have filled Sendak’s youth, and contrast it against the parenting
culture of America today — in which we work so hard to separate our kids
from the hardships of the larger world. Sendak expected children to suffer,
as they do. And survive, as they do. I think there’s something we can all
learn from that.

But there’s another side to this story too, a second lesson: If Sendak was
writing for all of us, and if Sendak saw children as people, then he also
saw the rest of us — the grownups — as children: petulant and worried and
jealous, scared and cranky, too. But also capable of great imagination, of
high adventure. Just as children must experience suffering in order to
survive in this world, adults must experience adventure in order to make the
most of it.

Sendak’s legacy is one of gifts and challenges: The challenge to be honest
with ourselves always, to see our children as people and to trust them to
survive, but also the challenge to find magic in the world, or to make it
for ourselves.

I want to believe there is a boat waiting for me somewhere, that will take
me “over a year and in and out of weeks and through a day and into the
night” of my very own story.

Laurel Snyder is the author of children’s books, including
<http://www.amazon.com/Baxter-Pig-Who-Wanted-Kosher/dp/1582463158> “Baxter,
The Pig Who Wanted To Be Kosher” and
<http://www.amazon.com/Good-night-laila-Laurel-Snyder/dp/0375868682> “Laila
Tov, Good Night.” Contact her at  <mailto:[email protected]>
[email protected].


Read more:
<http://forward.com/articles/155952/maurice-sendak-author-who-scared-generat
ions-of-ki/#ixzz1vJD6QK6h>
http://forward.com/articles/155952/maurice-sendak-author-who-scared-generati
ons-of-ki/#ixzz1vJD6QK6h

 * * *
 
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/19/world/europe/tsipras-greek-political-star-
puts-europe-on-edge.html?nl=todaysheadlines
<blocked::http://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/19/world/europe/tsipras-greek-polit
ical-star-puts-europe-on-edge.html?nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120519>
&emc=edit_th_20120519
Rising Greek Political Star, Foe of Austerity, Puts Europe on Edge
 
<blocked::http://graphics8.nytimes.com/images/2012/05/19/world/greece/greece
-articleLarge.jpg> 
Eirini Vourloumis for The New York Times

Alexis Tsipras, 37, vaulted to prominence less than two weeks ago, when his
party placed second in national elections.

By Rachel Donadio and Liz Alderman

NY Times: May 19, 2012 

ATHENS — At 37, and looking not a bit his years, Alexis Tsipras is clearly
enjoying his moment. He vaulted to prominence less than two weeks ago, when
his previously obscure left-wing party placed second in national elections
with the promise of repudiating the loan agreement Greece
<blocked::http://topics.nytimes.com/top/news/international/countriesandterri
tories/greece/index.html?inline=nyt-geo> ’s previous leaders signed in
February. 

Since then, he has engaged in a high-stakes game of chicken with Europe’s
leaders. While they have scrambled to put together contingency plans in case
Greece exits the euro zone, Mr. Tsipras has calmly stated his case and let
the rest of Europe sweat about the possibly disastrous ramifications if it
does. 

“It’s true,” he said Friday, with a smile and a glint in his eye, during an
interview in his small office in the Greek Parliament. “I like to play
poker.” 

While Mr. Tsipras clearly has much of Europe on the run, he hardly seems to
be breaking a sweat. “Our goal isn’t to blackmail or to terrorize, our goal
is to shake them,” Mr. Tsipras said coolly of the foreign lenders whose
austerity-for-loans deal he wants upended. 

“We want to convince them,” he said. “They need to change the policies in
Greece and change the policies in Europe, otherwise Europe will be at very
large risk.” 

In Mr. Tsipras’s view — which neatly dovetails with the rising
anti-austerity tide across Europe — Greece’s problem is a European problem
that needs a European solution. He insisted that he wants Greece to stay in
the euro, just not under the terms of its current bailout. “The euro zone is
a chain with 17 links,” he said, referring to its members. “Greece is one of
these links. If one of these links breaks, the link is destroyed, but the
chain falls apart, too.” 

Poker references aside, Mr. Tsipras insisted that it was really the
financial markets driving much of the crisis, not him or Greece. 

“They don’t have any moral scruples, and if they push Greece out, they’ll
just move on to the next country,” he said. The next countries in the firing
line, he added, happen to be Italy and Spain — both too big to fail. 

While other political parties in Greece are now also calling to renegotiate
the loan deal, it is Mr. Tsipras, an untested leftist who could well become
Greece’s next prime minister in elections on June 17, who has positioned
himself in a showdown with Greece’s lenders. 

In the interview, he said he would not veer from pledges to repudiate terms
of Greece’s bailout that forced wrenching hardship on average Greeks, a
stance that may lead Greece’s lenders to withhold further aid and set off a
default. 

But as far as he is concerned, negotiations over Greece’s debt deal “have
already begun,” he said, largely because European leaders are already
showing signs of being more lenient on austerity. “The red lines from before
no longer apply,” he said. 

But while Mr. Tsipras has sometimes been portrayed in the European news
media as a wild-eyed radical — he even seems at times to delight in that
caricature — he is a cool strategist playing a game of brinkmanship with the
rest of Europe, and particularly Chancellor Angela Merkel of Germany. In the
past, German and other European leaders have made last-minute maneuvers to
keep Greece in the euro, precisely because of fears that an exit would carry
too high a cost, from bank collapses across Europe to destabilization of the
global financial system. 

Mr. Tsipras seems to be betting that they will blink again, but whether they
will is far from clear. 

Simon Tilford, chief economist at the Center for
<blocked::http://www.cer.org.uk/> European Reform in London, said, “The
Europeans may blink, but this time they might not blink enough.” He said
that European leaders might propose a “mini-Marshall Plan” to stoke growth
in Greece, but that what was needed were political changes to promote closer
bonds among euro zone countries. “People are fed up,” Mr. Tilford added.
“They would prefer that Greece stay within the euro zone, but they won’t
take the political steps to make Greek membership sustainable.”

Indeed, on Friday, Ms. Merkel may have upped the ante even further,
suggesting to the Greek president, Karolos Papoulias, that Greece ponder
holding a referendum, in parallel with general elections in June, so Greek
voters are clear what is at stake, the Greek government spokesman said.
(Though a Merkel spokesman denied the remark, Mr. Tsipras released a
statement later Friday accusing Ms. Merkel of treating Greece like a
“protectorate.”)

In some ways, Mr. Tsipras’s arguments are not so different from those of
some of the leaders gathered at the Group of 8 summit at Camp David on
Friday. As growth has slowed, an anti-austerity backlash has swept Europe,
forcing
<blocked::https://www.nytimes.com/2012/05/17/world/europe/greek-stimulus-is-
an-option-merkel-says.html> Ms. Merkel to soften her stance. Leaders,
especially President François Hollande of France, were expected to press Ms.
Merkel at the meeting to give Europe more breathing room for growth. 

Mr. Tsipras agreed. “The message we’re giving to the G-8 is that we have to
press Mrs. Merkel to follow the example of America, where the debt crisis
wasn’t tackled with austerity measures but with an expansionist approach,”
he said. 

He added that Europe needed a more federal system, like the United States.
He likened Greece to debt-ridden California, only that the United States
would never allow California to exit, and has the federal structures to keep
the union together. 

Mr. Tsipras’s strategy of calling Europe’s bluff has been a winner at home
as well. Some polls place his Syriza party first and others second in the
campaigning for a second round of elections, which were called after he and
other political leaders failed to form a government after May 6 elections. 

An engineer by training, Mr. Tsipras said he had also studied economics and
learned in the trenches with his “comrades” on the economic committee of
Synaspismos, a proto-Communist strain within Syriza in which he came of age.


Lean, affable, yet somewhat inscrutable, Mr. Tsipras says he does not like
wearing ties because they remind him of his days in the navy, where he did
his mandatory military service. In recent speeches, he has said that the
“terrorists” in suits and ties who are deciding Greece’s fate are worse than
the anarchists in hoods. Some compare him to Andreas Papandreou, the founder
of the Socialist Party and a gifted populist. 

Mr. Tsipras may be riding the tide of anti-austerity, but it remains to be
seen if he has what it takes to steer the ship. Pressed to present an
alternative to the current loan agreement — or his plans for restoring
Greece to growth while keeping it in the euro zone — he offered few, if any,
specifics. 

His party seeks a three-year suspension of loan payments until the Greek
economy can recover, a reversal of the terms of the loan agreement that call
for slashing wages, scaling back public employees and undoing collective
bargaining agreements. It has also called for nationalizing banks in order
to control their lending policies as part of a recapitalization now under
way as part of the debt deal. 

Critics say that under the guise of change, Syriza may offer little more
than the status quo — or more state control in a country with a
dysfunctional state. Indeed, business owners are particularly worried that
Syriza’s plans for more state control would stifle growth further,
transforming Greece into a kind of Bulgaria. 

Mr. Tsipras said: “The healthy businesses here have nothing to fear from a
government that’s going to try to stop this poison. Healthy businesses
understand that austerity curbs consumption.” 

Although he conceded that the Greek state had “significant
dysfunctionalities and a need for deep structural changes,” he did not offer
specifics beyond faulting the Socialists and center-right New Democracy for
building up a jobs-for-votes system that helped Greece’s public debt
balloon. 

Instead, he kept repeating the mantra that he hoped would help him
consolidate power in just over a month, in the form of a stark warning to
Greece’s European partners: Pushing Greece out would be “cutting the branch
that we’re all sitting on.”

  _____  

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