http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/16/opinion/krugman-policy-and-the-personal.ht
ml?_r=1
<http://www.nytimes.com/2012/07/16/opinion/krugman-policy-and-the-personal.h
tml?_r=1&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120716>
&nl=todaysheadlines&emc=edit_th_20120716
 
Policy and the Personal
 
Paul Krugman
NY Times Op-Ed: July 16, 2012
 
A lot of people inside the Beltway are tut-tutting about the recent campaign
focus on Mitt Romney's personal history - his record of profiting even as
workers suffered, his mysterious was-he-or-wasn't-he role at Bain Capital
after 1999, his equally mysterious refusal to release any tax returns from
before 2010. Some of the tut-tutters are upset at any suggestion that this
election is about the rich versus the rest. Others decry the
personalization: why can't we just discuss policy? 
 
And neither group is living in the real world. 

First of all, this election really is - in substantive, policy terms - about
the rich versus the rest. 

The story so far: Former President George W. Bush pushed through big tax
cuts heavily tilted toward the highest incomes. As a result, taxes on the
very rich are currently the lowest
<http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/07/12/the-long-run-history-of-taxes-o
n-the-rich/> they've been in 80 years. President Obama proposes letting
those high-end Bush tax cuts expire; Mr. Romney, on the other hand, proposes
big further tax cuts for the wealthy. 

The impact at the top would be large. According to estimates by the
nonpartisan Tax Policy Center, the Romney plan would reduce the annual taxes
paid by the average member of the top 1 percent by $237,000 compared with
the Obama plan; for the top 0.1 percent that number rises to $1.2 million.
No wonder Mr. Romney's fund-raisers in the Hamptons attracted so many eager
donors that there were luxury-car traffic jams. 

What about everyone else? Again according to the policy center, Mr. Romney's
tax cuts would increase the annual deficit by almost $500 billion. He claims
that he would make this up by closing
<http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2012/07/15/base-broadening-baloney/>
loopholes, in a way that wouldn't shift the tax burden toward the middle
class - but he has refused to give any specifics, and there's no reason to
believe him. Realistically, those big tax cuts for the rich would be offset,
sooner or later, with higher taxes and/or lower benefits for the middle
class and the poor. 

So as I said, this election is, in substantive terms, about the rich versus
the rest, and it would be doing voters a disservice to pretend otherwise. 

In that case, however, why not run a campaign based on that substance, and
leave Mr. Romney's personal history alone? The short answer is, get real. 

Look, voters aren't policy wonks who pore over Tax Policy Center analyses.
And when a politician - say, Mr. Obama - cites actual numbers in a speech,
well, there's always a politician on the other side to contradict him. How
are voters supposed to know who's telling the truth? In fact, earlier this
year focus groups given an accurate description of Mr. Romney's policy
proposals refused to believe that any politician would take such a position.


Perhaps in a better world we could count on the news media to sort through
the conflicting claims. In this world, however, most voters get their news
from short snippets on TV, which almost never contain substantive policy
analysis. The print media do offer analysis pieces - but these pieces, out
of a desire to seem "balanced," all too often simply repeat the
he-said-she-said of political speeches. Trust me: you will see very few news
analyses saying that Mr. Romney proposes huge tax cuts for the rich, with no
plausible offset other than big benefit cuts for everyone else - even though
this is the simple truth. Instead, you will see pieces reporting that
"Democrats say" that this is what Mr. Romney proposes, matched with dueling
quotes from Republican sources. 

So how can the Obama campaign cut through this political and media fog? By
talking about Mr. Romney's personal history, and the way that history
resonates with the realities of his pro-rich, anti-middle-class policy
proposals. 

Thus the entirely true charge that Mr. Romney wants to slash historically
low tax rates on the rich even further dovetails perfectly with his own
record of extraordinary tax avoidance - so extraordinary that he's evidently
afraid to let voters see his tax returns from before 2010. The equally true
charge that he's pushing policies that would benefit the rich at the expense
of ordinary working Americans meshes with Bain's record of earning big
profits even when workers suffered - a record so stark that Mr. Romney is
attempting to distance himself from part of it by insisting that he had
nothing to do with Bain's operations after 1999, even though the company
continued to list him as C.E.O. and sole owner until 2002. And so on. 

The point is that talking about Mr. Romney's personal history isn't a
diversion from substantive policy discussion. On the contrary, in a
political and media environment strongly biased against substance, talking
about Bain and offshore accounts is the only way to bring the real policy
issues into focus. And we should applaud, not condemn, the Obama campaign
for standing up to the tut-tutters. 

  _____  

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