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Hugo Chávez: A Giant Has Left Us (Pablo Navarrete)
Wed, 03/06/2013 - 05:32 — Anonymous

[As the forces of reaction in Venezuela and abroad get ready to step up
their offensive against the Venezuelan process while trying their best to
conceal their delight at Chávez’s death, we should remember his true
legacy.]

[image: Compañero Hugo
Chávez]<http://www.flickr.com/photos/77650929@N08/8533498300/>

Hugo Chávez: A Giant Has Left Us

Wednesday 6 March 2013, by Pablo Navarrete -www.alborada.net

A giant has left us and an intense sadness engulfs Venezuela. A few hours
ago it was announced that at the age of 58 Hugo Chávez, president of
Venezuela, lost his near two year battle with cancer and passed away. He
joins a celebrated list of Latin American revolutionaries to have gone
before their time. However, unlike Ernesto ‘Che’ Guevara or Salvador
Allende to take just two examples, this time it does not appear that the US
government was a culprit in the death of a leader who embodied the region’s
mass yearning for social justice and independence from US dominance.

While Chávez’s political opponents were never able to remove him from the
presidency democratically, it would appear that in the end it was nature
that defeated a man whose anti-imperialism and principled siding with the
poor and marginalised in his country and elsewhere, inspired precisely this
constituency to defend his government with such passion. “Queremos ver a
Chávez!” <http://venezuelanalysis.com/video/6941> (We want to see Chávez!)
shouted the millions of pro-Chávez supporters that took to the streets in
Venezuela in 2002 to demand that he be reinstated as president after a US
sponsored coup briefly ousted him<http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Id--ZFtjR5c>.
This people power played an instrumental role in his return to the
presidency less than 48 hours after he had been kidnapped and taken to an
island off Venezuela’s mainland. Theirs was truly a love affair with
“their” president, whose support base was to be found in the low-income
neighbourhoods known as *barrios* that encircle Caracas and other
Venezuelan cities. It was these people who had, more than any other group,
experienced a dramatic improvement in their material
conditions<http://www.cepr.net/index.php/Publications/Reports/the-chavez-administration-at-10-years-the-economy-and-social-indicators>.
They experienced at first-hand what can happen when a government is
prepared to stand up for the poor and marginalised.

In contrast to his popularity at home, Western elites viewed Chávez with a
cynical disdain. These sentiments spread to large sectors of the general
population, through an anti-Chávez mass media campaign that systematically
distorted events in Venezuela. Rather than try to explain Chávez’s appeal
to large sectors of the Venezuelan population or understand the process of
radical change underway in the country, the West’s media class preferred to
focus almost entirely on the figure of Chávez. It was precisely this
narrative that was so effective in discrediting the Venezuelan process
through concealing the role of collective agency, silencing the people from
below, rendering them insignificant.

Nevertheless, Chávez still held a wide appeal beyond Venezuela’s borders,
especially in the countries of the global South, who understood all too
well what imperialism meant in practice. In Chávez, many saw a genuine
leftwing icon, someone with the courage to lead the fight against US
imperialism, not only in Latin America but across the world. However, there
were those on the left, especially in the West, that displayed an
increasing antipathy to Chávez, perhaps the result of the distorted picture
of Venezuela generated by the media. Others remained suspicious that a man
coming from the military could offer a progressive politics, especially in
a continent where the military’s record is steeped in blood. A deeper
understanding of the specificities of the Venezuelan case is a prerequisite
for purging prejudice.

My own decision to spend a year and half in Venezuela between 2005-2007 was
the result of my desire to see for myself what kind of process was
unfolding under the Chávez government. What exactly was going on that so
provoked the ire of the US government and the Western political and media
classes?

I found a country in the midst of intense and profound changes, with a new
constitution heralded for its progressive content such as the rights it
accorded to traditionally ignored groups such as Venezuela’s indigenous
peoples. There were government supported community radio and television
stations being run by young people; neighbourhood assemblies that discussed
how to “transfer power to the people”; government-subsidised supermarkets
in the poorest neighbourhoods (where articles of the constitution were
explained in cartoon form on the packaging); a plethora of free cultural
festivals and debates about socialism on the streets of Caracas and across
the country. All this felt like being transported to another planet, one
where social justice and human dignity were a priority. In the midst of all
of this was the commanding figure of Chávez, whose leadership qualities and
charisma were so evident that no credible domestic opponent could deny
them. Such opponents included the (generally white skinned) elite that had
traditionally ruled Venezuela, whose fury at their loss of political power
was only exacerbated by the gradual erosion of their economic domination of
the country. Again the private media was harnessed to fuel the fires of
hatred towards Chávez and his government.

Of course Chávez’s charisma was a double-edged sword. It served both to
placate divisions between various factions of his movement and energise his
followers into action (especially at election time); but it also fed into
what was arguably one of the major weaknesses of the Venezuelan process:
the over-reliance on Chávez. This, in turn, disincentivised the search for
a new or collective leadership. Nevertheless, with Chávez around, the
movement for radical change in Venezuela felt, for the most part,
irrepressible.

Despite this and other weaknesses, I returned from Venezuela convinced that
the country’s ‘Bolivarian’ process was a noble experiment; that at its core
it was seeking to create a society where human needs are prioritised over
corporate needs. In most of the world this is clearly not the case. For me,
Venezuela’s “threat of a good example” is a subversive alternative that is
not only challenging neoliberalism and capitalism but is laying the
foundations for a 21st Century socialism.

I had the privilege of observing Chávez at close quarters when, as part of
the team filming with John Pilger for his documentary‘The War on
Democracy’<http://venezuelanalysis.com/video/2705>,
we were invited to travel with Chávez for two days. After arriving in
Barquisimeto on the presidential plane, we drove through the city in a
presidential convoy, where thousands of Venezuelans lined the streets and
waved the convoy on. This was a genuine expression of affection for someone
they considered one of their own. At the first event, in a massive stadium,
I was struck by the patient manner in which Chávez explained what his
government was doing. At a further three events that day Chávez explained
his government’s vision, using metaphors and a language that resonated with
ordinary Venezuelans.

It was these Venezuelans, people like Joel Linares, a community activist
and friend, who every day invested their time, energy and passion into
building the fairer Venezuela Chávez so often spoke about. “Chávez has
given the people back their spirit of struggle. Because the ideas of
struggle don’t die” was what Mariela Machado, a nurse and community
activist in the La Vega barrio, told me when I asked her what she felt was
the biggest change she had experienced under the Chávez goverment.

So as the forces of reaction in Venezuela and abroad get ready to step up
their offensive against the Venezuelan process while trying their best to
conceal their delight at Chávez’s death, we should remember his true legacy.

Hugo Chávez galvanised the Venezuelan people into taking centre stage in
the country’s political process. He was a leader and a teacher but above
all someone that demonstrated an unwavering faith in the principle that the
people are the best architects of their freedom. In doing so he inspired
not only millions of Venezuelans, but millions more around the world who
believe in the urgency of building an alternative.

Viva Chávez!

*Pablo Navarrete <http://www.alborada.net/pablonavarrete> is the director
of the documentary 'Inside the Revolution: A Journey into the Heart of
Venezuela' - watch in
onlinehere<http://www.alborada.net/documentary-venezuela-chavez>
.*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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