They are doing these same things to Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador  and many
countries in  *América Latina.*

In bullying Africa, the traditional SA, US, European, Australian and
Canadian corporations have been joined by major firms from China, India and
Brazil. Their looting has mainly built upon colonial infrastructural
foundations – road, rail, pipeline and port expansion – connected to mines,
plantations, petroleum and gas.

Introducing BRICS from above and BRICS-from-belowPatrick Bond2013-03-20,
Issue 622 <http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/622>
http://pambazuka.org/en/category/features/86651<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/category/features/86651>

*cc P B* <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/BRIC>There seem to be three
narratives about BRICS. The first is promotional and mainly comes from
government and allied intellectuals; the second perspective is uncertainty,
typical of fence-sitting scholars and NGOs; and the third is highly
critical, from forces sometimes termed the ‘independent left.’

In Durban, South Africa, five heads of state meet on March 26-27 to assure
the rest of Africa that their countries’ corporations are better investors
in infrastructure, mining, oil and agriculture than the traditional
European and US multinationals. The Brazil-Russia-India-China-SA (BRICS)
summit will also include 16 heads of state from Africa, including some
notorious tyrants. A new $50 billion ‘BRICS Bank’ will probably be
launched. There will be more talk about monetary alternatives to the US
dollar.

There seem to be three narratives about BRICS. The first is promotional and
mainly comes from government and allied intellectuals; the second
perspective is uncertainty, typical of fence-sitting scholars and NGOs; and
the third is highly critical, from forces sometimes termed the ‘independent
left.’

The first narrative is represented in this special issue of Pambazuka
through the most intellectually-engaged speech about BRICS we have found by
any local politician: Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, South Africa’s foreign
minister. At a gathering of the 5th BRICS Academic Forum on March 10, she
requested robust, critical engagement, and by reading the ‘Recommendations’
of that group’s meeting at the Durban University of Technology, you can
assess whether she can be satisfied.

We think not. Historians will judge whether, indeed, BRICS ‘have given
African nations the ability to start to escape the clutches of neo-colonial
dependence on foreign aid, and the policies and “advice” of
Western-controlled finance institutions’ – as claimed by Pretoria’s
minister of higher education Blade Nzimande at the same meeting.

Historians may judge this line of argument to be ‘Pretorian’ in thinking,
with the term defined on one internet site this way: ‘characteristic of or
similar to the corruptible soldiers in the Praetorian Guard with respect to
corruption or political venality; ‘a large Praetorian bureaucracy filled
with ambitious and often sycophantic people makes work and makes trouble’ –
Arthur M.Schlesinger Jr.’

>From Pretoria, the Human Sciences Research Council will host the temporary
BRICS ‘think tank’, drawn from researchers at sites like the SA Institute
for International Affairs at Jan Smuts House (long considered an Anglo
American Corporation braintrust), and we worry that if the Academic Forum’s
Recommendations are the basis for judgment so far, then Naomi Klein’s
definition of this sort of institution may apply here: ‘people who are paid
to think, by people who make tanks.’

So as you can already tell, the debate over BRICS is getting quite sharp,
as witnessed both by Nkoana-Mashabane’s use of Fanon’s Wretched of the
Earth to attack those of us who question BRICS, and by the personal
invective unveiled in a story by Peter Fabricius of the Star newspaper. He
was reporting on a February 28 debate in Johannesburg involving the SA
deputy foreign minister, ActionAid-South Africa’s director Fatima Shabodien
(whose speech replete with pointed questions is reproduced below), and
myself – followed by my reply to Fabricius documenting the local ruling
party’s ‘sell-out to international capital.’

Also at the critical end of the spectrum, Anna Ochkina of Moscow’s
Institute for Globalisation and Social Movement Studies (not a think-tank
by the Klein criterion) argues that there is merely a ‘spectre of
alliance.’ However, Vladimir Shubin provides a vigorous counter-argument.

The critics note how badly divided the Brics bloc is at several crucial
junctures, and indeed the one major unifying initiative in Durban aside
from a Brics Bank announcement, is the highly dubious ‘Africa gateway’ grab
by South Africa. As I report (in ‘From Nepad to Brics, South Africa’s toll
at the “gateway to Africa”’), this is not likely to end well, if the last
decade’s experience is any guide.

After all, as Tomaso Ferrando argues in great detail, the land grabbing
underway by Brazil, India, China and South Africa is a shocking testimony
of how the Berlin 1885 codification of colonial landgrabs is replaying now
through Bilateral Investment Treaties and other legalistic attacks by Brics
members and corporations. The victims are peasants and others reliant on
land, water and related resources, as well as African food consumers.

Moreover, if the strength of commitment to Africa’s basic survival is
measured in part by the way the Brics have helped to cook the climate –
given an anticipated 200 million unnecessary African deaths this century
due to floods, storms, droughts, famines and vastly increased disease
burdens (carried especially by women) – then the gateway metaphor is easily
transformed into a rather hellish entryway, as I argue in another article.

It doesn’t have to be this way, according to University of California
sociologist Chris Chase-Dunn, who believes Brics are not necessarily
‘sub-imperialist’; nor Sam Moyo and Paris Yeros who call for a Brics
revivial of Non-Aligned strategies; nor University of Delhi political
scientist Achin Vanaik. They see trajectories from the Brics semiperiphery
that can move in counter-hegemonic directions, though Vanaik leans across
the fenceline into Brics-sceptic territory. Another more mainstream voice
who is doubtful that the Brics can overcome their ‘useful idiot’ role is
the prolific Sao Paolo geopolitical commentator Oliver Stuenkel.

These searching essays require a final argument to help specify, well what
exactly is this idea ‘sub-imperialism’, and can it travel across space and
time from its early use in Brazil nearly a half-century ago? Or is
Nkoana-Mashabane correct that this is simply outmoded, lazy
intellectualism? You decide.

***

But if you are thinking about these matters from ‘below’ (or like me,
within ‘brics-from-the-middle’), you will intrinsically understand that the
debate is only beginning. Given how much is at stake, critical civil
society must scrutinise the claims, the processes and the outcomes of the
BRICS summit and its aftermath. Civil society critics point to four groups
of problems in all the BRICS:

• socio-economic rights violations, including severe inequality, poverty,
unemployment, disease, inadequate education and healthcare, costly basic
services and housing, constraints on labour organising, and extreme levels
of violence, especially against women (such as the high-profile
rapes/murders of Delhi student Jyoti Singh Pandey last December 16, and in
South Africa, of Anene Booysen on February 2 in Bredasdorp, Reeva Steenkamp
on February 14 in Pretoria, and countless others);

• political and civil rights violations, such as widespread police
brutality, increased securitisation of our societies, militarisation and
arms trading, prohibitions on protest, rising media repression and official
secrecy, activist jailings and torture, debilitating patriarchy and
homophobia, and even state-sanctioned massacres (including in Durban where
the notorious Cato Manor police hit squad executed more than 50 suspects in
recent years);

• regional domination by BRICS economies, including extraction of
hinterland raw materials, and promotion of ‘Washington Consensus’ ideology
which reduces poor countries’ policy space (for example, in the Brics 2012
donation of $75 billion to the International Monetary Fund with the mandate
that the IMF be more ‘nasty’, according to South African Finance Minister
Pravin Gordhan, or in the desire of China, Brazil and India to revitalise
the World Trade Organisation to maximise their trading power against weaker
neighbours); and

• ‘maldevelopment’ based on elite-centric, consumerist, financialised,
eco-destructive, climate-insensitive, nuclear-powered strategies which
advance corporate and parastatal profits, but which create multiple crises
within all the Brics (as witnessed during the Marikana Massacre carried out
by police on behalf of Lonmin platinum corporation last August, and in
South Durban where R225 billion ($25 bn) in white-elephant state
infrastructure subsidies for chaotic port, freight and petrochemical
industry expansion – and more labour-broking exploitation – are being
vigorously resisted by victim communities).

Confusingly to some, BRICS regimes carry out this agenda at the same time
they offered radical, even occasionally ‘anti-imperialist’ rhetoric,
accompanied by mainly trivial diplomatic actions. Yet the BRICS alliance is
incoherent, as shown in the elites’ debilitating disagreement over who
would lead the IMF and World Bank in 2011-12. In the UN Security Council,
BRICS countries seek greater power for themselves, not the collective:
repeated bids for permanent membership by India, Brazil and South Africa
are opposed by Russia and China.

And recall the humiliation when Beijing told Pretoria’s Home Affairs
Minister (now African Union chairperson) Nkozasana Dlamini-Zuma not to
grant a visa to the Dalai Lama to attend Archbishop Tutu’s 80th birthday
party in 2011, or attend a 2009 Tibet solidarity gathering. We seem to have
lost foreign policy autonomy to Chinese whims.

Meanwhile, the African continent has been overwhelmed by BRICS
corporations. The rate of trade between Africa and the major emerging
economies – especially China – rose from 5 to 20 percent of all commerce
since 1994, when apartheid ended. Destructive though it often is, one of
Pretoria’s leading objectives, according to deputy foreign minister Marius
Fransman, is that ‘South Africa presents a gateway for investment on the
continent, and over the next 10 years the African continent will need $480
billion for infrastructure development.’

‘Resource Curse’ maldevelopment often follows such infrastructure. This is
also true, geopolitically, when it comes to facilitating Brics investments.
In January 2013, for example, Pretoria deployed 400 troops to the Central
African Republic during a coup attempt because ‘We have assets there that
need protection,’ according to deputy foreign minister Ebrahim Ebrahim.
Allegations by a former South African official are that these mineral
interests include uranium arranged via corrupt heads-of-state
collaboration, and has Ebrahim confirmed that Pretoria sent sophisticated
arms to the brutal regime of François Bozizé.

Other extreme cases are the Democratic Republic of the Congo where
Johannesburg-based mining capital (AngloGold Ashanti) paid off warlords in
a region where five million people were killed mainly to get access to
minerals such as the coltan we use in our cellphones, and Zimbabwe where
Chinese firms and a military junta – along with SA businesses, Indian and
Israeli traders, Dubai middlemen and other vultures – prop up President
Robert Mugabe’s rule, together looting the country of billions of dollars
worth of diamonds.

In 2010, 17 out of Africa’s top 20 companies were South African, even after
extreme capital flight from Johannesburg a decade earlier, which saw Anglo
American, De Beers, SA Breweries and Old Mutual relocate to London. Just as
in Cecil John Rhodes’ day, the greed of South African business is backed by
government officials, through the (failed) New Partnership for Africa’s
Development – praised as ‘philosophically spot on’ by the Bush
Administration – and useless African Peer Review Mechanism. More recently,
South Africa’s National Development Plan conceded that there is a
‘perception of the country as a regional bully.’

In bullying Africa, the traditional SA, US, European, Australian and
Canadian corporations have been joined by major firms from China, India and
Brazil. Their looting has mainly built upon colonial infrastructural
foundations – road, rail, pipeline and port expansion – connected to mines,
plantations, petroleum and gas.

There is similar collusion with Washington when it comes to global finance:
in July 2012, the BRICS treasuries sent $75 billion in fresh capital to the
IMF, which was seeking new funds for bailing out for banks exposed in
Southern Europe. Like Africa’s experience since the early 1980s, the
resulting austerity in Greece, Spain, Portugal, Cyprus, Ireland and other
failing European states does far more harm than good to both local and
global economies. As for voting power within the IMF, the result of this
BRICS intervention was that China gained many more votes (for dollars rule
at the IMF), while Africa actually lost a substantial fraction of its share.

For these reasons, will Durban 2013 be known as the logical successor to
Africa’s initial carve-up: Berlin 1885?

Building a bottom-up civil society network to analyse, watchdog and
represent silenced voices of dissent has never been more important. One
part of this process involves an analysis of the pros and cons of BRICS.

We hope you the reader can join the conversation because from Africa, too
little has been said about BRICS, given how much is at stake.

* Patrick Bond directs the University of KwaZulu-Natal Centre for Civil
Society.

* BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS

------------------

The Unemployed People’s Movement will not be Participating in the So-Called
‘People’s Space’ at the BRICS Meeting in DurbanSubmitted by Abahlali_3 on
Mon, 2013-03-25 17:09. NGOs <http://abahlali.org/taxonomy/term/1845> | The
Black Consciousness Movement <http://abahlali.org/taxonomy/term/3451> | The
Fifth BRICS Summit (in Durban) <http://abahlali.org/taxonomy/term/3849> |
Umlazi <http://abahlali.org/taxonomy/term/1581> | Unemployed People's
Movement <http://abahlali.org/taxonomy/term/1830>

Sunday, 24 March 2013
Unemployed People’s Movement Press Statement

*The Unemployed People’s Movement will not be Participating in the
So-Called ‘People’s Space’ at the BRICS Meeting in Durban*

The Unemployed People’s Movement will not be participating in the so-called
‘People’s Space’ at the BRICS meeting in Durban.

Our Umlazi branch received a phone call recently informing us that buses
were being provided for us to send our members to the so-called ‘People’s
Space’ at the Centre for Civil Society at UKZN. We were instructed to
mobilise to fill the buses.

We made it clear that we will not be participating in this space. We were
given no role in the process leading up to the BRICS meeting and we have
been given no role in planning the so-called ‘People’s Space’ or in its
management.

The experience of grassroots movements at the so-called ‘People’s Space’ at
the COP17 meeting in Durban, also hosted by the Centre for Civil Society,
was terrible. We were not given any role in the planning of that space. We
were just bussed in. We were given inferior accommodation and food. We
found that our role was just to sit and listen to overseas experts talking
to us. There was a protest by the movements against the organisers of that
meeting. They responded by buying us fried chicken but did not take our
concerns seriously and discuss a better way forward for the future. This
was one more insult.

This was not the first time that movements have been expressing their
concerns about these NGO organised meetings. Movements have been raising
concerns about these meetings for many years but we have either been
ignored or criminalised by the NGOs and academics. We are highly aware that
when grassroots movements walked out of the Social Movements Indaba
meeting, also held by the Centre for Civil Society, at UKZN in 2006 they
were called ‘criminals’ in the media and have been attacked by the NGOs and
academics ever since. We are prepared for the same treatment.

In the days of the WSSD in Johannesburg grassroots movements had lots of
supporters but were organisationally weak. All that the NGOs had to do to
secure popular support was to provide buses and hand out T-shirts for
movements like the Landless People’s Movement. But Movements are much
stronger now in organisational terms and those days are gone.

These so-called ‘People’s Spaces’ are really NGO and academic spaces where
the role of grassroots activists is just to be bussed in to listen to
experts in exchange for a few crumbs for the movement leaders. The reason
that we condemn this is that we subscribe to Black Consciousness. The Black
Consciousness movement emerged in 1968 when black students walked out of a
NUSAS meeting in Grahamstown because whites were doing all the thinking and
talking while blacks were playing a passive role. Today the situation is
just as bad or even worse in these so-called ‘People’s Spaces’. Therefore
today we continue to walk out of spaces where we are disrespected and are
only being bussed in to legitimate other people’s agendas.

Also, we experience these so called ‘reality tours’ as if we are being
treated as animals in a zoo. We have made it clear that we will not be
collaborating with so-called ‘reality tours’ in our communities. We
insisted that a tour scheduled to take place in Umlazi today be cancelled.

The NGOs and donors are trying to control and commercialise our struggles
at these international meetings. If they want to work with us in the future
they will need to do so on a respectful and fully democratic basis. We want
partnership and not domination and exploitation.

We discussed our position on this matter at the Democratic Left Front
national steering committee meeting in Johannesburg last week.

We remain committed to the struggle against imperialism but that struggle
needs to be rooted in democratic practices.

Bheki Buthelezi, Unemployed People’s Movement (KwaZulu-Natal) 072 639 9898
Ayanda Kota, Unemployed People’s Movement (Eastern Cape) 078 625 6462


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



------------------------------------

---------------------------------------------------------------------------
LAAMN: Los Angeles Alternative Media Network
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Unsubscribe: <mailto:laamn-unsubscr...@egroups.com>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Subscribe: <mailto:laamn-subscr...@egroups.com>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Digest: <mailto:laamn-dig...@egroups.com>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Help: <mailto:laamn-ow...@egroups.com?subject=laamn>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Post: <mailto:la...@egroups.com>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Archive1: <http://www.egroups.com/messages/laamn>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Archive2: <http://www.mail-archive.com/laamn@egroups.com>
---------------------------------------------------------------------------
Yahoo! Groups Links

<*> To visit your group on the web, go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/laamn/

<*> Your email settings:
    Individual Email | Traditional

<*> To change settings online go to:
    http://groups.yahoo.com/group/laamn/join
    (Yahoo! ID required)

<*> To change settings via email:
    laamn-dig...@yahoogroups.com 
    laamn-fullfeatu...@yahoogroups.com

<*> To unsubscribe from this group, send an email to:
    laamn-unsubscr...@yahoogroups.com

<*> Your use of Yahoo! Groups is subject to:
    http://docs.yahoo.com/info/terms/

Reply via email to