What’s behind renewed attacks on African American freedom fighter Assata
Shakur?Exiled Black Panther Party veteran has lived in Cuba for three
decadesAbayomi Azikiwe2013-05-07, Issue
629<http://www.pambazuka.org/en/issue/629>
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*cc F S P* <https://picasaweb.google.com/106339814614280647525>On the 40th
anniversary of the shooting and capture of Assata Shakur, the FBI and the
State of New Jersey has now placed the African American revolutionary on
the most wanted terrorist list

This latest provocation against Shakur, 65, is directed not only against
the veteran Black Panther Party (BPP) and Black Liberation Army (BLA)
member, but represents an overhaul attack on the struggle of African
Americans against racism and national oppression in the United States.

Assata Shakur has now been placed under a $2 million bounty offered by the
racist government of the US She had previously been subjected to a sum of
$1 million instituted a decade-and-a-half ago.

Since 1984, Shakur has been living as a political refugee in the
revolutionary Caribbean-Island nation of Cuba. She sought asylum there
after living underground in the US where she escaped from maximum security
prison in New Jersey on November 2, 1979.

Shakur was arrested on May 2, 1973 after being stopped by the state police
while riding in a car traveling on the New Jersey Turnpike. She was
seriously wounded in the routine traffic stop where Zayd Malik Shakur was
killed and Sundiata Acoli (formerly known as Clark Squire) was also
captured. Acoli remains in prison until this day some 40 years later.

During the traffic stop New Jersey state trooper Werner Forester was
killed. Shakur was charged with numerous crimes during a series of trials
between 1973-77. However, she was acquitted of all these charges and was
finally falsely accused and convicted in the death of the law-enforcement
officer.

At the time of the arrest of Assata Shakur and Sundiata Acoli and the
murder of Zayd Malik Shakur, the Black Liberation Army had been vilified
for years in the corporate media. Many law-enforcement agencies throughout
the country were on high-alert for the capturing or killing of members and
associates of this organization.

Assata was held for six-and-half years in maximum security prisons in New
Jersey. She wrote in her political biography entitled ‘Assata: An
Autobiography,’ released in 1987 by Zed books, that she was detained in
all-male correctional facilities and subjected to torture by prison guards
and other law-enforcement officials.

In late 1979, a group of BLA and Weather Underground activists liberated
her from prison. She later immigrated to Cuba where the revolutionary
socialist government of President Fidel Castro granted her political asylum.

BACKGROUND OF REPRESSION AGAINST THE BLACK LIBERATION MOVEMENT IN THE U.S.

The Black Panther Party grew out of the southern Civil Rights Movement of
the 1960s in the state of Alabama. In Lowndes County, Alabama in the
aftermath of the Selma to Montgomery March that preceded the passage of the
1965 Voting Rights Act, members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating
Committee (SNCC) moved into the area to begin organizing for independent
political action.

Stokely Carmichael (later known as Kwame Ture) was a leading organizer with
SNCC at the time and played a significant role in the struggle in Lowndes
County during 1965-66. SNCC partnered with the John Hulett of the Lowndes
County Christian Movement for Human Rights which eventually led to the
formation of the all-Black Lowndes County Freedom Organization (LCFO).

The LCFO rejected attempts to integrate into the all-white Alabama
Democratic Party which was segregationist and thoroughly racist in
character. The LCFO took on the Black Panther logo and was consequently
labeled the Black Panther Party. This idea spread throughout other regions
of the state leading to the formation of the Alabama Black Panther Party by
early 1966.

These efforts in Lowndes County gained national attention during 1966.
Although the party registered thousands of African American voters, the
November 1966 county elections were stolen by the racists.

Nonetheless, by this time the idea whose time had come spread throughout
other sections of the U.S. There was the establishment of other Black
Panther organisations from New York State to California.

In October of 1966, Huey P Newton and Bobby Seale formed the Black Panther
Party for Self-Defense which eventually became the most dominant within the
entire movement by mid-1968. By 1967, there were at least three different
organizations working under the banner of the Black Panther in California
in both the southern and northern regions of the state.

Carmichael, who became Chairman of SNCC in May 1966, pushed for a more
nationalist orientation for the organisation and the Civil Rights Movement
as a whole. The Black Power slogan, which became popular in the summer of
1966, was advanced by Willie Ricks, a SNCC field secretary, (now known as
Mukasa Dada) and Stokely Carmichael during the ‘March Against Fear’ in
Mississippi in June of 1966.

In 1967, Carmichael was drafted as ‘Honorary Prime Minister’ of the
Newton-Seale organization. Carmichael and other SNCC leaders entered into
an alliance with the BPP for Self-Defense in February 1968.

Later this alliance broke down but Carmichael and other SNCC organizers
continued to work with the Panthers based in Oakland through mid-1969. As a
result of both the FBI’s Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO-Black
Nationalist) as well as ideological and political differences, there was a
split within the Black Panther Party during the summer of 1969.

COINTELPRO AND THE SPLITS WITHIN THE BLACK LIBERATION MOVEMENT

In 1967, the FBI stepped up its efforts to undermine and neutralize the
Black Liberation Movement in the U.S. This took placed amid burgeoning
urban rebellions which had struck over 200 cities by the end of 1967.

By October 1968, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover had labeled the Black Panther
Party based in Oakland as the most serious threat to the internal security
of the U.S. Hundreds of Party members and supporters were indicted on
spurious charges and several organizers were killed by the police and their
collaborators.

Leading members of the Party were imprisoned and driven into exile during
1968-69. Newton was wounded and convicted in the murder of an Oakland
police officer in 1968. Eldridge Cleaver and Kathleen Cleaver went into
exile in Cuba and later Algeria in 1968-69.

In 1969, Bobby Seale was arrested and charged with a conspiracy in the
murder of fellow Panther Alex Rackley who was killed in New Haven,
Connecticut. During that same year, Seale was bound and gagged on the
orders of Judge Julius Hoffmann in Chicago during the conspiracy trial for
allegedly attempting to disrupt the Democratic Convention of 1968.

With the Party being a relatively young organisation, these actions by the
federal government had a devastating impact. By late 1970 after the release
of Newton on appeal, tensions grew between the factions within the
organisation headed by Cleaver, then still living in Algeria, and many of
the Panthers on the east coast on the one hand and Newton and
Chief-of-Staff David Hilliard along with their adherents based in northern
California on the other.

In February 1971, an open split erupted with Cleaver calling for the
expulsion of Newton and Hilliard and Newton condemning Cleaver for his
public criticism of Party policy. Cleaver and his cohorts soon called for
the intensification of the armed struggle inside the U.S.

With the ideological and political struggles coming to the fore inside the
Party, various members were forced underground to avoid imprisonment and
assassination. These cadres began to call themselves the International
Black Panther Party and the Black Liberation Army.

The BLA was already a part of the Party prior to the split. Rule number six
of the Black Panther Party 26 rules, said that no Party member could belong
to any other armed force but the Black Liberation Army.

Political fracturing escalated in early 1971 with the acquittal of the New
York 21, a group of leading Panthers in New York City who were falsely
charged with attempts to carry out bombings in the city. A letter signed by
some members of the New York 21 openly criticised the west coast leadership
under Newton, prompting their expulsion.

Assata Shakur in her autobiography described this period in detail. Many
Party members who had been purged were deliberately sent into the BLA, the
underground.

Shakur wrote from the Middlesex County Workhouse on July 6, 1973 that
‘There is and always will be, until every Black man, woman and child is
free, a Black Liberation Army. The main function of the Black Liberation
Army at this time is to create good examples to struggle for Black freedom
and to prepare for the future. We must defend ourselves and let no one
disrespect us. We must gain our liberation by any means necessary.’ (Break
the Chains pamphlet)

She continues in this essay noting that, ‘It is our duty to fight for our
freedom. It is our duty to win. We must love each other and support each
other. We have nothing to lose but our chains!’

The prevailing governmental, corporate and reactionary forces were in
mortal conflict with the Black Liberation Movement of the period. The
heightened repression against the Movement came amid the major
re-structuring of the U.S. and world economy.

Inside the African communities of the U.S. large-scale capital flight,
police repression and the proliferation of drugs served to level whole
areas which weakened the ability of the struggle to rejuvenate on a
revolutionary basis. The split within the Black Panther Party between
1969-71 was replicated in other revolutionary organizations such as the
Republic of New Africa, formed in Detroit in 1968 and the League of
Revolutionary Black Workers, also established in Detroit in 1969.

These political developments grew out of the material conditions in
existence at the time. The African American struggle between 1975 and the
second decade of the 21st century appeared to have shifted into the
electoral arena.

However, the greater exposure of domestic neo-colonial constraints is
causing a rethinking among the masses in regard to the overall strategic
and tactical imperatives of the struggle. The ascendancy of President
Barack Obama and the Congressional Black Caucus has fully laid bare the
futility of Democratic Party politics and its utility for African American
liberation.

THE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CONTINUING PERSECUTION OF ASSATA SHAKUR

With the abysmal failure of the electoral political strategy dominated by
the Democratic Party, the ruling class in the U.S. knows that sooner or
later the African American masses in alliance with other oppressed nations
and exploited workers will move in the direction of revolutionary politics.
The decline in the world capitalist system has illustrated to billions
around the world that there is no future in the current economic
dispensation.

Even inside the U.S. it has been estimated that nearly half of the people
are now living either in poverty or close to it. The spokespersons and
political agents of the ruling class through their own pronouncements make
no pretense in regard to addressing the growing impoverishment of the
workers and oppressed.

During the 1960s there was deceptive rhetoric related to the so-called “War
on Poverty” and providing greater opportunities for the oppressed nations
and marginalized workers to receive a larger share of the wealth owned by
the top echelons of society. Today this rhetoric has totally disappeared
from the lexicon of the corporate media and the political functionaries of
both the Republican and Democratic parties.

Consequently, revolutionary politics must be criminalized by the ruling
class, the corporate media and the repressive apparatus of the state. Yet
large segments of the African American, Latino/as, Arab-Middle Eastern and
Muslim sections of the U.S. and world populations have already been
criminalized.

Therefore, the recent attacks on Assata Shakur will ring hollow in the
minds of the oppressed and conscious workers inside the
imperialist-dominated system. This will be the case because there is no
future in the current oppressive structures and revolution, or fundamental
change and transformation, is the only solution to the problems of poverty,
economic exploitation, state repression, environmental degradation and wars
of aggression.

The most just response of the ruling class would be to grant a general
amnesty to all political prisoners inside the U.S. and those held by the
imperialists throughout the world. People living in exile like Assata
Shakur should be granted a pardon and allowed to walk free among the masses
of the U.S. who are yearning for such revolutionary leadership and
consciousness.

Even if an amnesty is not granted to political prisoners by the Obama
administration or successive White House occupiers, the struggle against
capitalism and imperialism will continue to accelerate. The people have no
other choice other than reject the system that is creating the conditions
for their own destruction.

* Abayomi Azikiwe is Editor, Pan-African News Wire

* BROUGHT TO YOU BY PAMBAZUKA NEWS


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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