https://nacla.org/blog/2013/6/21/gas-mother-earth-and-plurinational-state-vice-president-garc%C3%ADa-linera-embodies-bolivi
Gas, Mother Earth, and the Plurinational State: Vice-President García
Linera Embodies Bolivia’s Contradictions
Emily Achtenberg <https://nacla.org/nacla-bloggers#Emily>
Rebel Currents <https://nacla.org/node/7334>
June 21, 2013
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Lately, Bolivian Vice-President Alvaro García Linera has seemed to embody,
in living form, the growing contradiction between his government’s
international championship of environmental and indigenous rights, and its
vigorous domestic pursuit of extractivist economic policies.

[image: 1831]Alvaro García Linera. Credit: icndiario.comAs a featured
speaker on June 9 at New York City’s*Left
Forum*<http://www.leftforum.org/content/bolivian-vice-president-alvaro-garcia-linera-speak-left-forum-2013>—an
annual gathering of leftist intellectuals and activists—convened this year
to address the theme of “Mobilizing for Ecological/ Economic
Transformation”—García Linera affirmed that the global battle for climate
justice (in which Bolivia has played a leadership role) is a critical,
anti-capitalist struggle.  But just weeks earlier, at an international
energy convention in Santa Cruz, he announced that the government of
indigenous president Evo Morales intends to explore and exploit oil and gas
resources in Bolivia’s national parks, many of which are collectively
titled as indigenous territories.

The *new policy* <http://www.bolpress.com/art.php?Cod=2013052401> will
include incentives to provide a “rapid return on investment” for the
transnational companies (including Brazil’s Petrobras, Spain’s Repsol, and
France’s Total) that have operated Bolivia’s hydrocarbons concessions in
partnership with the state since the sector was nationalized in 2006, along
with measures to expedite regulatory approvals and mitigate environmental
risk. Expanding the hydrocarbons frontier into protected areas is
necessary, according to García Linera, to guarantee Bolivia’s energy
security and sovereignty in the face of growing domestic and external
demand.

Invoking the theme of “resource nationalism,” García Linera has justified
the government’s new hydrocarbons policy as an anti-imperialist strategy.
“Curiously, a good part of this strip where there is gas and oil was
declared parks in neoliberal times,” he *noted*
<http://www.economiabolivia.net/2013/05/23/se-cae-el-discurso-pachamamista-ahora-se-ira-en-busca-del-petroleo-de-las-reservas-naturales-protegidas/>in
Santa Cruz. “They did it to keep the reserves for people from outside, from
the north, and above.”

According to the civil society organization
*CEDIB*,<http://www.cedib.org/destacados/cedib-ampliacion-de-areas-hidrocarburiferas-pone-en-riesgo-sistema-de-areas-protegidas-de-bolivia-hidrocarburos-bolivia-31-5-13/>
the
land area conceded to gas and oil companies in Bolivia has vastly expanded
under Morales, up from 7.2 million acres in 2007 to 59.3 million acres in
2012. Eleven of Bolivia’s 22 national parks currently include hydrocarbons
concessions (although activity in these areas has been largely paralyzed,
up to this point). Seven parks—including the Isiboro-Sécure Indigenous
Territory and National Park (TIPNIS), site of a protracted battle over the
proposed construction of an inter-departmental highway—have concessions
covering at least 30% of their land area. Four parks are at least 70%
consumed by concessions and are at risk of disappearing entirely once these
become operational.

To be sure, the Morales government has vastly increased Bolivia’s share of
hydrocarbons revenues, with an effective take (through taxes and royalties)
of 72%, among the highest in Latin
America.[1]<https://nacla.org/blog/2013/6/21/gas-mother-earth-and-plurinational-state-vice-president-garc%C3%ADa-linera-embodies-bolivi#_ftn1>
Since
nationalizing the sector in 2006, Bolivia has
*earned*<http://www.laht.com/article.asp?ArticleId=767997&CategoryId=14919>
more
than $16 billion in hydrocarbons revenues, as compared to just $2 billion
from 1999-2005, supporting a significant expansion of redistributive
programs. Still, for those concerned with climate justice and indigenous
rights as well as immediate poverty reduction, the conflicting discourses
of García Linera and other government representatives are increasingly
difficult to reconcile.

Outside Bolivia, the critique of these contradictions tends towards
over-simplification and righteous[image: 1832]Protest at Left Forum vs.
García Linera. Credit: internationalist.org.indignation—as demonstrated by
the*leaflet* <http://lrp-cofi.org/statements/garcia_060713.html> distributed
by the League for the Revolutionary Party at the Left Forum, attacking
García Linera as an “enemy of Bolivia’s workers and indigenous peoples.”
Inside Bolivia, where, as anthropologist *Bret
Gustafson*<https://nacla.org/news/2013/5/28/amid-gas-where-revolution>
has
noted, gas is viewed primarily through the lens of resource nationalism,
and as a ticket to economic prosperity, an anti-extractivist position is
more difficult to maintain. From the Gas Wars of 2003 and 2005, the Morales
government can point to a popular mandate to extract and commercialize
Bolivian gas for Bolivians—notwithstanding that *80% of Bolivia’s
gas*<https://nacla.org/blog/2013/5/23/industrializing-bolivia%E2%80%99s-gas-bolivia-not-brazil>
is
currently exported to Brazil and Argentina, and that industrialization has
proved difficult to accomplish.

While the lowland and highland indigenous federations CIDOB, CONAMAQ, and
APG, whose constituents will be most adversely affected, have been quick to
denounce the new policy, their
*demands*<http://www.la-razon.com/economia/Indigenas-condicionan-ingreso-petroleras-protegidas_0_1839416085.html>
are
strategically focused on securing a new law of popular consultation, which
they insist must be implemented before any hydrocarbons activities are
permitted on indigenous lands. The Morales government’s efforts to develop
a prior consultation law, which date back at least two years, are currently
*stalemated* <http://www.bolpress.com/art.php?Cod=2013032206> due to
conflicts with these sectors, who claim they have not been adequately
represented in the process.

Wary of the pitfalls experienced during the flawed TIPNIS *consulta,* the
federations insist that the government must be obligated to seek the free,
prior, and informed consent of affected communities, through a process
carried out in good faith in accordance with traditional community norms
and procedures, as required by international law and the Bolivian
constitution. Lately, the government seems more concerned with expediting
the consultation process, as evidenced by its recent proposal to limit the*
consulta* to *120
days*.<http://www.la-razon.com/economia/Gobierno-plantea-consulta-indigenas-dias_0_1842415785.html>

For groups engaged in the struggle against the TIPNIS highway, the new
hydrocarbons policy confirms what most have long suspected—that the
advancement of gas and oil interests is a major factor behind the push for
the road. Within the TIPNIS there are 4 outstanding concessions, including
the Sécure bloc which is virtually adjacent to the proposed highway.

[image: 1833]Gas and oil concessions in the TIPNIS. Credit: La Razón.Curiously,
while the law protecting the reserve as “untouchable” remains in effect,
the Morales government recently
*announced*<http://www.la-razon.com/economia/Petrolera-tramitara-licencia-Isiboro-Secure_0_1840015985.html>that
YFPB Petroandina, a joint venture between the state energy company and
Venezuela's PDVSA, will begin the necessary steps to secure an
environmental license for exploratory activities inside the park.
Ironically, as activist *Pablo
Rojas*<http://www.lostiempos.com/diario/actualidad/economia/20130525/gobierno-flexibilizara-leyes-para-explorar-en_214341_460892.html>has
lamented, only eight years ago Morales (as head of the Chapare
*cocalero*federations)
led the successful struggle, along with native TIPNIS residents, to block
Repsol’s operations in the reserve.

In his recent treatise *Geopolitics of the
Amazon*<http://boliviarising.blogspot.com/2013/01/geopolitics-of-amazon-defence-of.html>,
García Linera sheds further light on the seeming contradiction between the
Morales government’s extractivist policies and its commitment to
environmentalism and plurinationalism. Building highways and drilling for
gas, he argues, are essential tools to advance the sovereign revolutionary
state, bolstering its capacity for survival in the face of ever-present
external and internal threats. This goal, he suggests, must take priority
over all others.

Further, he explained at the Left Forum, while indigenous groups offer a
vision of living in harmony with nature that suggests the future potential
for communitarian socialism, they also have pressing current needs for
education, health care, food, and shelter that can only be met through
reliance on extractive activities. It is a contradiction, he suggests, that
will only be resolved through struggle. On that point, most everyone can
probably agree.


------------------------------



[1]<https://nacla.org/blog/2013/6/21/gas-mother-earth-and-plurinational-state-vice-president-garc%C3%ADa-linera-embodies-bolivi#_ftnref1>
George
Gray Molina, presentation at Latin American Studies Association conference,
Washington DC,  June 1, 2013.


------------------------------



*Emily Achtenberg is an urban planner and the author of NACLA’s weekly blog
*Rebel Currents*, covering Latin American social movements and progressive
governments (nacla.org/blog/rebel-currents).*


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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