http://cryptome.org/

*2013-0710.pdf <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/cia-secrets-ethics.pdf>
     CIA Secrets: Ethics of Concealment/Revelation    June 29, 2013*
(1.3MB)*2013-0709.pdf
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/cia-spying-oversight.pdf>         CIA
Congressional Oversight of Spying            June 29, 2013*
(10.7MB)*2013-0708.pdf
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/cia-scotus-spy-source.pdf>         CIA
Supreme Court on Spy Source Secrecy          June 29, 2013*
(7.4MB)*2013-0707.pdf
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/cia-secrecy-essential.pdf>         CIA
Where Secrecy Is Essential                   June 29, 2013*
(7.7MB)*2013-0706.zip
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/manning-13-0628.zip>         Bradley
Manning: Army Releases 15 Trial Docs     June 28, 2013* (5.8MB)
*2013-0705.htm <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/nsa-reports-differ.htm>
     Two NSA IG Reports ST-09-0002 Reports Differ     June 28,
2013**2013-0704.pdf <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/snowden-safepass.pdf>
        Edward Snowden Ecuador Safepass Update           June 28,
2013**2013-0703.pdf <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/nsa-stellar-wind.pdf>
        NSA Stellar Wind Email Internet Data Collection  June 28,
2013* (8.4MB)*2013-0702.pdf
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/doj-nsa-memo.pdf>         DoJ Memo on NSA
Data Collection on Americans     June 28, 2013* (1.4MB)*2013-0701.pdf
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/tsarnaev-indictment.pdf>         Dzhokhar
Tsarnaev Indictment                     June 27, 2013* (2.2MB)
*2013-0700.zip <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/manning-13-0627.zip>
  Bradley Manning: State Cables Download Forensic  June 27, 2013*
(1.1MB)*2013-0699.pdf
<http://cryptome.org/2013/06/google-warrants-sample.pdf>         119
Google Search Warrants with Kid Porn Sample  June 27, 2013*
(2.7MB)*2013-0698.htm <http://cryptome.org/telecomm-weak.htm>
Vulnerabilities of Telecomm System-2001 Repost   June 27,
2013**2013-0697.pdf <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/manning-PE135a.pdf>
      Manning: CIA WIRe Program Contractor Testimony   June 26,
2013**2013-0696.zip <http://cryptome.org/2013/06/manning-13-0626.zip>
       Bradley Manning: Army Releases 13 Trial Docs     June 26, 2013*
(2.9MB)



http://www.emptywheel.net/


The 14% Domestic Phone Content Collection under the Illegal Wiretap
Program<http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/29/the-14-domestic-phone-content-collection-under-the-psp/>
By: emptywheel <http://www.emptywheel.net/author/emptywheel/> Saturday June
29, 2013 7:08 am

[image: Screen shot 2013-06-29 at 7.04.51
AM]<http://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/Screen-shot-2013-06-29-at-7.04.51-AM.png>There’s
something funny about the claims the NSC Draft IG
Report<http://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/090324-Draft-NSA-IG-Report.pdf>
 makes.

On page 8, the report notes:

 Domestic Collection. The wording of the first authorization could have
been interpreted to allow domestic content collection where both
communicants were located in the U.S. or were U.S. persons. General Hayden
recalled that when the Counsel to the Vice President pointed this out,
General Hayden told him that NSA would not collect domestic communications
because 1) NSA was a foreign intelligence agency, 2) NSA infrastructure did
not support domestic collection, and 3) his personal standard was so high
that there would be no problem getting a FISC order for the domestic
collection.

Starting in February 21, 2006, DOJ pushed to get a FISC order for PSP
collection, in spite of NSA’s numerous reservations. As an interim
solution, they changed the definition of “facility” from that of a specific
number of email address “to encompass the gateway or cable head that
foreign targets use for communications. Minimization and probable cause
standards would then be applied.” After months of trying to finesse this,
FISC signed two orders to accomplish this:

The Foreign Content Order

The Domestic Content Order

Remember, domestic content, to the NSA, is content in which both
participants are in the US (though at this point NSA may have been
distinguishing between citizens and non-citizens). And when they moved to a
FISC order, they had a specific order for domestic content. And, as the
chart on page 16 shows, 14% of the telephony content was domestic (it was
only 2% for Internet, though its number for that collection, 19,000, sure
looks awfully round).

Now, apparently, by 2007 when they went to a FISC order, there wasn’t that
much domestic collection left.

 The Domestic Content Order did not create a similar loss in collection [as
the 73% loss on the Foreign Content side] because so few numbers were
tasked at that time. It did, however, slow operations because of the
documentation required, and it took considerably longer to task under the
order than under the PSP. Over time, the scope of the Domestic Content
Order gradually decreased to a single selector tasked for collection in
January 2009. In January 2009, at NSA’s request, assumed responsibility for
the Domestic Content Order and became the declarant before the FISC.

This says they still had these gateway facilities in place 17 months after
PAA passed (and NSA likely dumped it off onto FBI at that point to clean up
in anticipation of Obama taking over).

The original authorization might seem to authorize domestic collection. And
when they shifted to FISC rather than Presidential authorization, it
continued to include domestic collection, though not so much, apparently,
as when the program started.




Posted in FISA <http://www.emptywheel.net/category/fisa/> | Tagged Alberto
Gonzales <http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/alberto-gonzales/>, David
Addington<http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/david-addington/>
, Jim Comey <http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/jim-comey/>, Michael
Hayden<http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/michael-hayden/>
| *4* 
Replies<http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/29/the-14-domestic-phone-content-collection-under-the-psp/#comments>
OMIGOD
James Clapper Has Our Gun Purchase
Records<http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/omigod-james-clapper-has-our-gun-purchase-records/>
By: emptywheel <http://www.emptywheel.net/author/emptywheel/> Friday June
28, 2013 2:16 pm

It’s a testament to Ron Wyden’s good faith that this
letter<http://wyden.senate.gov/download/?id=87b45794-0fa4-4b1a-b3a6-e659a91a5042>
—
asking James Clapper for more information about the government’s secret use
of the Section 215 provision of the PATRIOT Act — didn’t try to inflame the
NRA.

It’s not until the third paragraph in until Wyden (and the 25 other
Senators who signed on) say,

 It can be used to collect information on credit card purchases, pharmacy
records, library records, firearm sales records, financial information, and
a range of other sensitive subjects. And the bulk collection authority
could potentially be used to supersede bans on maintaining gun owner
databases, or laws protecting the privacy of medical records, financial
records, and records of book and movie purchases. [my emphasis]

And while Wyden is right that the letter is bipartisan, I really wonder how
it is that only four Republicans — Mike Lee, Dean Heller, Mark Kirk, and
Lisa Murkowski — signed a letter raising these issues. Seriously. Not even
Rand Paul?

I’ll come back to the loaded questions Wyden asks (I’m frankly still
working on some loaded questions he asked 6 months ago — it has turned into
a nearly fulltime beat).

But in the meantime, why isn’t the NRA screaming yet?


Posted in PATRIOT <http://www.emptywheel.net/category/patriot/> | Tagged Dean
Heller <http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/dean-heller/>, James
Clapper<http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/james-clapper/>
, Lisa Murkowksi <http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/lisa-murkowksi/>, Mark
Kirk<http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/mark-kirk/>
, NRA <http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/nra/>, Rand
Paul<http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/rand-paul/>
, Ron Wyden <http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/ron-wyden/>, Section
215<http://www.emptywheel.net/tag/section-215/>
| *17* 
Replies<http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/omigod-james-clapper-has-our-gun-purchase-records/#comments>How
David Addington Hid the Document Implicating George Bush in Illegal
Wiretapping
Posted on June 28,
2013<http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/>
 by emptywheel <http://www.emptywheel.net/author/emptywheel/>

On December 16 and December 20, 2005, respectively — just days after the NYT
revealed its 
existence<http://www.nytimes.com/2005/12/16/politics/16program.html?pagewanted=all>
—
EPIC and ACLU FOIAed
DOJ<http://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/safefree/aclu_v_doj_foia_complaint.pdf>
for
documents relating to George Bush’s (really, Dick Cheney’s) illegal wiretap
program (National Security Archive also FOIAed, though more narrowly).
Among other documents, they requested, “any presidential order(s)
authorizing the NSA to engage in warrantless electronic surveillance.” Yet
in spite of the fact that the ACLU was eventually able to get DOJ to cough
up some of the OLC
memos<https://webspace.utexas.edu/rmc2289/OLC%2054.FINAL.PDF> that
provided a legal rationale for the program, no presidential order was ever
turned over. I don’t believe (though could be mistaken) it was even
disclosed in 
declarations<http://www.aclu.org/files/pdfs/safefree/aclu_v_doj_declaration_steveng_bradbury.pdf>
 
submitted<http://www.aclu.org/pdfs/safefree/aclu_v_doj_2nd_declaration_steven_bradbury.pdf>
by
Steven Bradbury in the suit.

There’s a very good (and, sadly, legal) reason for that. According to the 2009
NSC draft IG 
report<http://www.emptywheel.net/wp-content/uploads/2013/06/090324-Draft-NSA-IG-Report.pdf>
the
Guardian released yesterday, it’s not clear DOJ ever had the Authorization.
The White House is exempt from FOIA, and it’s likely that NSA could have
withheld the contents of the Director’s safe from any FOIA, which is where
the hard copy of the Authorization was kept.

It’s worth looking more closely at how David Addington guarded the
Authorization, because it provides a lesson in how a President can evade
all accountability for unleashing vast powers against Americans, and how
the National Security establishment will willingly participate in such a
scheme without ensuring what they’re doing is really legal.

The IG report describes the initial Authorization this way:

On 4 October 2001, President George W. Bush issued a memorandum entitled
“AUTHORIZATION FOR SPECIFIED ELECTRONIC ACTIVITIES DURING A LIMITED PERIOD
TO DETECT AND PREVENT ACTS OF TERRORISM WITHIN THE UNITED STATES.” The
memorandum was based on the President’s determination that after the 11
September 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States, an extraordinary
emergency existed for national defense purposes.

[snip]

The authorization specified that the NSA could acquire the content and
associated metadata of telephony and Internet communications for which
there was probable cause to believe that one of the communicants was in
Afghanistan or that one communicant was engaged in or preparing for acts of
international terrorism. In addition, NSA was authorized to acquire
telephone and Internet metadata for communications with at least one
communicant outside the United States or for which no communicant was known
to be a citizen of the United States. NSA was allowed to retain, process,
analyze and disseminate intelligence from the communications acquired under
the authority.

And while the NSA IG report doesn’t say it, the Joint IG
Report<https://www.fas.org/irp/eprint/psp.pdf> on
the program (into which this NSA report was integrated) reveals these
details:

Each of the Presidential Authorizations included a finding to the effect
that an extraordinary emergency continued to exist, and that the
circumstances “constitute an urgent and compelling governmental interest”
justifying the activities being authorized without a court order.

Each Presidential authorization also included a requirement to maintain the
secrecy of the activities carried out under the program.

*David Addington’s illegal program*

While the Joint report obscures all these details, the NSA IG report makes
clear that Dick Cheney and David Addington were the braintrust behind the
program.

 The Counsel to the Vice President used [a description of SIGINT collection
gaps provided by Michael Hayden] to draft the Presidential authorization
that established the PSP.

Neither President Bush nor White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales wrote this
Authorization. David Addington did. On page 24, the report describes
President George W. Bush being cleared into the program in its first 30
days along with Addington and others, as if that weren’t a given.

As you consider this program, always remember that it was birthed by David
Addington, a guy famous for carrying a Constitution in his pocket.

Not only did Addington draft this thing, he did so with very little input
from NSA.

 no other NSA personnel [besides then Director of NSA Michael Hayden]
participated in the drafting process. … [DOJ] representatives were not
involved in any of the discussions that [Hayden] attended and he did not
otherwise inform them.

The NSA IG report makes no mention whether DOJ personnel were involved; the
Joint report reveals that John Ashcroft approved the Presidential
Authorization the same day he got read into the program.

 Attorney General Ashcroft approved the first Presidential Authorization
for the PSP as to “form and legality” on the same day that he was read into
the program.

John Yoo must have seen the Authorizations, as he would subsequently
(starting a month after the program started) write a series of poorly
crafted OLC memos supporting it. Counsel for Intelligence Policy James
Baker was the only other non-FBI DOJ person read into the program. The head
of OLC, Jay Bybee, was not.

It’s equally unclear whether FBI Director Robert Mueller was shown the
Authorization though it seems unlikely given that on October 21, 2001
Ashcroft wrote 
him<http://www.emptywheel.net/timeline-collection/warrantless-wiretap-memos-timeline/>
a
one-page mamo confirming the program had been appropriately authorized.

Once David Addington’s Authorization was completed, it got stuck away in
Hayden’s safe and closely held.

 The original Authorization and renewals were kept in the NSA Director’s
safe, and access to the documents was tightly controlled.

Addington continued to write the renewal Authorizations and would
personally deliver it to the NSA (on a few occasions NSA picked it up at
the White House).

*Hayden hides the Authorization from those who needed to ensure compliance
with it*

As Hayden set about implementing this program, he shared the authorization
with very few people.

He initially shared it with the General Counsel, and subsequently — *4 days
after the program was launched* — the Associate General Counsel for
Operations and the NSA Deputy General Counsel, who reviewed it and said the
program was legal. No one at NSA’s Office of General Counsel documented
these reviews.

Ultimately, Hayden would share the Authorization with those NSA lawyers,
Program Managers, and “certain operational personnel.”

When he briefed the people who would implement it on October 8, 2001, “he
did not share the specific content of the Authorization with attendees.”
Rather than relying on the Authorization itself for the limits of the
program, analysts used criteria provided by OGC based on it. Going forward,
“most NSA operations personnel, including the Chief of the
[Counterterrorism] Product Line, who approved tasking for content
collection, were not allowed to see the actual authorization.”

Within the first 18 months of the programs operations, this close hold led
to “two early violations of the Authorization.” Only after that — at the
NSA IG’s insistence — did anyone even write up formal Delegations of
Authority that explained the Authorization for those implementing it. And
even then, this was only shared with the Program Managers and two Signals
Intelligence Directorate CT Product Line managers.

It’s unclear when NSA’s IG got to look at it (though he presumably did to
write this report). But the IG wasn’t even read into the program until
August 2002.

*Those other branches and the Authorization*

The IG Report makes no mention of the Authorization being shared with
Congress in its briefings on the program (remember that when she first got
read into the torture program in February 2003, Jane Harman consistently
but unsuccessfully nagged about seeing the presidential authorization tied
to that program).

And then there are the judges, who of course didn’t review the program but
did have worries about information collected under it being used in FISA
applications. The NSA IG report describes Hayden providing then Chief FISA
Judge Royce Lamberth “a very detailed PSP briefing” on January 31, 2002,
with John Yoo “explain[ing] the Program’s legality.” The Joint IG
report<https://www.fas.org/irp/eprint/psp.pdf> on
the program suggests there was more to Lamberth’s initial briefing than
that:

 The classified report and the full DOJ OIG report describe the
circumstances under which the Presiding Judge was notified of the existence
of the PSP and read into the program, and the measures subsequently taken
to address the effect of the PSP on the government’s relationship with the
FISC.

Lamberth appears to have insisted that his predecesor, Collen
Kollar-Kotelly, get briefed in from the start, because he attended her May
17, 2002 briefing. At that briefing, she was shown, but not allowed to
retain, “a short memorandum, prepared by [John Yoo] that set out a broad
overview of the legal authority for conducting the PSP. I get the feeling
that didn’t satisfy her, because on August 12, 2002, she was briefed at the
White House. At that point, she was able to review the Authorization,
apparently the only person outside of the White House and NSA (and,
presumably, John Yoo, but that is unclear as well) that got to glimpse it.

*The telecoms bow down before Article II*

The NSA IG report makes no mention of the Authorization being shared with
the telecoms who cooperated “voluntarily” based on formal NSA letters
asking for the help, though the initial letters did state that “the
requested assistance was authorized by the President with the legal
concurrence of the Attorney General, pursuant to Article II of the
Constitution.” (The later ones, which came after the President signed the
Afghan AUMF, cited the President’s Commander-in-Chief powers.) Just one
company — an internet provider first approached in October 2002 — appears
to have asked for “a letter from the Attorney General certifying the
legality of the PSP.” That company, and another “private sector” company
(that is, presumably not a telecom and not an internet provider) that asked
to consult with an outside counsel about the legality, did not participate
in the program. One telecom (probably Verizon or MCI) asked for and got an
Attorney General letter stating that the program was “a lawful exercise of
authorities assigned to the President under Article II of the Constitution”
on August 8, 2003, after having participated from the start. And, of
course, the letters sent to the telecoms on March 12, 2004 stated that
White House Counsel Alberto Gonzales, not Attorney General John Ashcroft,
had approved the program’s legality (interestingly, the IG Report calls
Gonzales, “Counsel to the President,” apparently unaware of the Clinton-era
ruling that WHCO works for us).

And that, my friends, is how 500 government employees started cooperating
to wiretap the American people with fewer than 20 people getting to see the
piece of paper the President signed saying his ass was on the line for it
all.

*NSA’s disinterest in the legal basis for it all*

And while about half of the people who had seen a document with President
Bush’s signature were at NSA, those people seemed to be equally
uninterested in seeing anyone else’s real legal analysis of the program.

According to the NSA IG report, at least, not a single person at NSA saw an
OLC opinion on the program until 2004.

 General Hayden, NSA lawyers, and the NSA Inspector General agreed that it
was not necessary for them to see the early opinions in order to execute
the terms of the Authorization, but felt it would be helpful to do so. NSA
was, however, given access and provided comments to the OLC opinion issued
in 2004.

Interestingly, then DOD General Counsel Jim Haynes got some kind of
OLC 
memo<http://www.emptywheel.net/timeline-collection/warrantless-wiretap-memos-timeline/>
on
February 2, 2002, one that curiously spoke of hypothetical activities. And
the GC of some agency (which could be Haynes again) got a memo on May 30,
2003, but this doesn’t appear to have been the NSA.

And it’s not like no one at NSA asked for OLC guidance. In 2 stunning
paragraphs, the IG Report reveals that even those who wanted to read the
OLC memo were not permitted to read it.

*First Request*. NSA General Counsel Robert Deitz stated that he asked the
Vice President’s Counsel if he could see the opinion. Even though Mr.
Deitz’s request was denied the Vice President’s Counsel read a few
paragraphs of the opinion to him over the classified telephone line.

*Second Request*. At a 8 December 2003 meeting with the DOJ Associate
Deputy Attorney General to discuss collection of metadata and an upcoming
NSA OIG compliance audit, NSA’s IG and Deputy GC requested to see the OLC
legal opinion. The Counsel to the Vice President, who unexpected attended
the meeting, denied the request and said that any request to see the
opinion had to come directly from General Hayden.

This second one is particularly troubling, because we know that Pat Philbin
and Jack Goldsmith were already worried about the legal authorization of
the program. And it is unclear whether this December 8 meeting took place
before or after one the Joint IG report describes:

 In December 2003, Goldsmith and Philbin met with Counsel to the Vice
President Addington and White House Counsel Gonzales at the White House to
express their growing concerns about the legal underpinnings of the program.

But I trust Addington had other ways to find out about meetings he should
surprisingly appear at.

And while some at NSA at least acknowledged that it was “odd” that they
were wiretapping Americans without anymore backup than they had, they never
insisted on getting more.

General Hayden stated he never asked for or read the OLC legal opinion
supporting the PSP. The Deputy GC stated that it was his understanding that
the opinion was not shared with NSA because it was considered confidential
legal advice to the President.

The IG, GC, Deputy GC agreed that their inability to read the OLC opinion
did not prevent or impair them from executing and overseeing the Program.
They were able to determine legality of the program independently from DoJ
(see Appendix D). However, the IG said that he found the secrecy
surrounding the legal rational to be “odd.” Specifically, he said that it
was “strange that NSA was told to execute a secret program that everyone
knew presented legal questions, without being told the underpinning legal
theory.” The IG, GC, and Deputy GC all stated that they had yet to see the
full text of the original OLC opinion.

And so it happened that the spy bureaucracy just kept churning along,
wiretapping Americans, without a burning curiosity whether it was all legal.
- See more at:
http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/#more-36310-
See more at:
http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/#more-36310-
See more at:
http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/#more-36310-
See more at:
http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/#more-36310-
See more at:
http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/#more-36310-
See more at:
http://www.emptywheel.net/2013/06/28/how-david-addington-hid-the-document-implicating-george-bush-in-illegal-wiretapping/#more-36310


[Non-text portions of this message have been removed]



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