http://www.marxist.com/soas-meeting-on-egypts-second-revolution.htm

Britain: SOAS Marxists and Socialist Appeal host meeting on "Egypt's Second
Revolution"<http://www.marxist.com/soas-meeting-on-egypts-second-revolution.htm>
Written by Diego Macias, SOAS MarxistsThursday, 11 July 2013
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On Tuesday 09th of July Socialist Appeal and the SOAS Marxist Society
hosted a discussion at SOAS to analyse and discuss the current
revolutionary situation in Egypt and, more broadly, in the Middle East.
Jorge Martin and Hamid Alizadeh from the International Marxist Tendency
opened the meeting to a crowd of around 40 attendees.

[image: jorgemartin-hamidalizadeh]Jorge offered an extended view of the
political and economic context through which demonstrations and
revolutionary situations started to develop in Egypt. Stepping away from a
mainstream, bourgeois interpretation of the first mass mobilisations in
January 2011 as some kind of spontaneous manifestation of discontent, the
perspective of the Marxists has always stressed the point that workers in
Egypt had been mobilising for years before the overthrow of Mubarak. A
process of political class formation and the development of class
consciousness has been taking place in Egypt as a result many decades of
pauperisation of working conditions, the dismantlement of social
programmes, and the extreme concentration of wealth and political power in
very closed circles of the ruling class. Mass unemployment, rising
inequality, political repression and widespread poverty were all causes of
people’s radicalisation.

Jorge explained how the period between the fall of Mubarak in February 2011
and the recent events of June 30th was far from democratic; even if
elections took place, participation was extremely low and the legitimacy of
candidates was disputed since the very beginning. Egyptians faced an
impossible choice when compelled to vote either for a representative of
Mubarak’s regime (Ahmed Shafiq) or for Mohamed Morsi, member of the Muslim
Brotherhood. Therefore, Mr Morsi’s government faced a crisis of legitimacy
since the beginning. Not happy with that, his rule was characterised by the
a lack of fulfilment of his campaign promises. His social conservatism
married economic neoliberalism, and the strong alliance between top
businessmen and the Brotherhood became evident. Amidst high unpopularity,
mass mobilisations asked for an end to his presidency, while large
demonstrations took place in almost every city of the country.

[image: 
soas-egypt]<http://www.marxist.com/images/stories/images/soas-egypt.JPG>It
is precisely in this context of popular mobilisation that we should think
twice before following the general line arguing that what happened in Egypt
was a “coup d’état”. As Jorge explained, the army only took power because
it realised that popular rule was against its interests, but not because it
had any key differences with the Brotherhood. In other words, it is
basically because of the mass revolutionary movement that the government
fell and the military simply bandwagoned on the mobilisation to take power
amidst the confusion.

Regarding the situation in the Middle East, Hamid presented an overview of
the situations in Syria, Tunisia, Iran and Turkey. Outcomes have clearly
been different, but there is a common analysis to be made, which is that
mass movements got their strength not from previously established
organisations (most unions were either illegal or co-opted), but because of
conscious reassembling of people that are directly facing the material
conditions of a capitalist system that is unable to provide even the
slightest economic and social security or welfare. The problem, of course,
is that disorganisation and the lack of a true revolutionary leadership
have created this unstable situation, but the revolutionary momentum is
still going on, as has been proved by episodes of protest in Tunisia,
Turkey and Iran.

Comrade Hamid stressed that the political tradition in the Middle East is
much more inclined towards the left than what mainstream analysis of
political Islam wishes us to believe. Socialist and nationalist experiences
in Egypt, Syria, Iran, Algeria and Libya, even if never broke completely
with capitalism, are historical evidences of the progressive tradition of
the region. Today’s mass mobilisation should identify themselves with this
reality and frame their proposals and programmes in that direction.

The following discussion was particularly fruitful. Comrades and contacts
presented extra ideas, arguments and questions that helped to complete the
analysis of the situation. For instance, reactions of world medias and
global leaders have been highly hypocritical, suggesting that mere
elections (even in the Egyptian context) were enough to consider Morsi’s
government as democratic, and that the coup d’état simply destroys any
progression in the democratic life of the country. We clearly condemn the
military opportunism, but we recognise the origins and motives of the
popular struggle, and stress the importance of maintaining its combative
dynamic. Real democracy needs workers’ councils and a revolutionary
programme, and by building it, the masses will realise that the military
generals do not share their same interests.

Another interesting point that was debated was the possibility of a civil
war in Egypt. The risk exists inasmuch as tension is developing, but the
question is who would fight against whom? The Muslim Brotherhood’s base of
support is shrinking. Working class people and peasants that had voted for
the Brotherhood are now turning the other way, and the class composition of
demonstrations around the country is showing this. State repression would
only radicalise the masses and the army knows it, and even current clashes
against sympathisers of Morsi show that it is not necessarily a counter
revolutionary movement, but only the result of the contradictions that are
been unveiled during this process.

The health of the workers’ movement is improving and independent unions (or
old ones that were “liberated” by the workers) are mushrooming. There is a
new wave of confidence on collective action and, even if there is a risk of
atomisation among so many organisations, there is also real potential for a
coordinated workers’ movement, and the simple fact of its existence shows
that the revolution in Egypt has already achieved important things.

As a concluding remark, we invite all comrades to keep an eye on the
developing of this revolutionary situation and to approach Egyptian
organisations in universities, for example, in order to spread the ideas of
Marxism. In the media we will hear that the ruling class in Egypt will
consolidate some kind of Constitutional Democracy and the revolution will
be “over”. We should be aware that, in any case, it will be the result of
opaque negotiations among the elite that will keep workers interests at
bay. A stronger mobilisation can only be accompanied by a stronger
organisation and a clear revolutionary leadership.

*For further analysis on the Arab Revolution, purchase a copy of the IMT's
book "Revolution Until
Victory<http://www.wellredbooks.net/index.php?main_page=product_book_info&cPath=1&products_id=456&zenid=2ef2ff67f07437303c01c08bb74e3afc>",
with articles by Jorge Martin and Alan Woods.*

Source: SOAS Marxists and Socialist Appeal host meeting on "Egypt's Second
Revolution"<http://www.socialist.net/soas-marxists-and-socialist-appeal-host-meeting-on-egypt-s-second-revolution.htm>


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