Are Britain and the United States moving against Zimbabwe?

By Ann Talbot
18 November 2002


Amid speculation about the possible actions of the Britain and the United
States, Zimbabwe¹s petrol pumps have run dry, deepening the crisis already
caused by the famine and threatening emergency food deliveries.

The country¹s oil supplies ran out after the fuel deal it struck with Libya
broke down. Libyan sources were keen to play down the significance of the
interruption to fuel supplies. The country¹s ambassador to Zimbabwe,
Mohammad Azzabi, attempted to reassure the local press that ³As with any
commercial transactions the world over, hiccups are bound to occur here and
there, but that does not constitute a collapse of our commitment to
Zimbabwe.²

But the Zimbabwean Sunday Mirror reports that a high-level British
delegation had flown to Libya to pressure Muammar Gaddafi into cutting off
Zimbabwe¹s oil supply. The paper quotes ³a highly placed source based in
Tripoli² who said that the British government had used a carrot and stick
approach. The carrot that Britain had dangled in front of the Libyan leader
was that the UK would help to free the man found guilty of bombing Pan Am
flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland in December 1988.

It has also been asserted that Libya pulled out of the oil deal because the
Zimbabwean National Oil Company, NOCZIM, had not paid them but had attempted
to buy oil from Kuwait on a cash basis. Libya¹s state-owned oil company
TAMOIL has been supplying 70 percent of Zimbabwe¹s oil since last year.

However, the suggestion that Britain is behind Libya¹s decision to halt oil
supplies to Zimbabwe gains some credibility from events in Washington, where
oppositionists recently met with US officials. Mark Bellamy, deputy
assistant of state for African affairs, was reported as saying, ³We may have
to be prepared to take some very intrusive, interventionist measures to
ensure aid delivery to Zimbabwe.... The dilemmas in the next six months may
bring us face to face with Zimbabwe¹s sovereignty.²

Bellamy made these remarks at a meeting at the Center for Strategic and
International Studies in Washington at which Zimbabwean opposition leaders
from Matabeleland reported that Mugabe¹s Zanu-PF government was preventing
food aid reaching opponents of the regime.

Johnson Mnkandla, a magistrate from Bulawayo in Matabeleland, told the
meeting, ³Food has been politicised. [Tribal] chiefs have been politicised.
The distribution structure that exists does not benefit the Zimbabwe people,
only supporters of the government. In some ways we would be better off
without international food aid at all.²

The US government, Bellamy said, was ³considering all approaches² to the
situation in Zimbabwe. ³It¹s safe to predict that the situation is going to
get a lot worse and that there will be no change unless outside forces prove
to be the catalyst.²

Drawing a direct comparison with Iraq, Bellamy said that Mugabe was ³holding
his people hostage the way Saddam Hussein is holding his people hostage.²

These were not unconsidered remarks, as Bellamy repeated the substance of
them in a telephone interview with the South African Mail and Guardian.

His remarks followed comments from State Department spokesman Richard
Boucher, who said, ³Politicisation of food distribution by the ruling party
in the face of an urgent need and real human suffering is very cynical. It¹s
a very self-serving response to a major humanitarian catastrophe.²

He added, ³We need to look very carefully at this situation to make sure
that we can monitor the use of food and make sure it goes to the neediest
people without any political consideration. So we¹re looking at that now.²

In August this year the Bush administration made clear that it was taking
steps to bring down Mugabe¹s regime. US Assistant Secretary of State for
African Affairs Walter Kansteiner declared that the Mugabe government was
³illegitimate and irrational.² The US, he said, did not see ³President
Mugabe as the democratically legitimate leader of the country.²

Kansteiner said that the US was putting pressure on neighbouring countries
to ³correct that situation,² and was providing oppositionists with finance
and training.

The Washington meeting bears out Kansteiner¹s words. While technically an
independent body, the CSIS is led by former US Deputy Defense Secretary John
J. Hamre and is close to government.

At the time of Kansteiner¹s remarks the World Socialist Web Site suggested
that the Bush administration was offering the Blair Labour government in
Britain a quid pro quo deal for its support over Iraq. These latest
developments tend to confirm this supposition and suggest that the UK and US
are now working in close conjunction to effect regime change in Zimbabwe.

Entitled Famine and Political Violence in Matabeleland, the Washington
meeting was chaired by former secretary to the British High Commission in
Zimbabwe David Troup, and was organised by the Zimbabwe Democracy Trust
(ZDT), which includes such leading British political figures such as former
Conservative foreign secretary Douglas Hurd.

The ZDT is a supporter of the Movement for Democratic Change, the Zimbabwean
opposition movement led by Morgan Tsvangirai, which is calling for IMF
policies to be implemented in Zimbabwe and the privatisation of all
state-owned companies.

Matabeleland, where Mugabe¹s government carried out brutal massacres in the
1980s, is a centre of MDC support. Having failed to topple Mugabe in an
election, the MDC and its backers are now pursuing an alternative approach.

Aid experts have suggested that the Bush administration may be considering
airdrops of food into Matabeleland. The US and UK used this method to supply
the Kurds in northern Iraq where they established a no-fly zone for Iraqi
aircraft as a pretext for regular British and American bombing raids. The
exact nature of the intrusive intervention that the US and UK have in mind
cannot be known in advance, but following the recent CIA missile attack in
Yemen nothing is ruled out.

Whatever form the intervention takes it will represent an implicit threat to
the whole of Africa. The increasingly belligerent attitude of the Bush
administration towards Zimbabwe follows its attempts to establish much
greater control over the oil reserves of West Africa. It is reported that
the US is planning to establish a military base on Sao Tome and Principe
that would enable it to police the offshore oilfields developing in that
region.

Britain is being forced to play a subsidiary role, although it was the
colonial ruler of much of Africa. But it has established a foothold on the
West Coast in Sierra Leone and is developing close ties on the eastern side
of Africa.

At a time when overseas aid to Africa is declining, the UK is planning to
increase the amount of money it gives. Most of this money will go to
Tanzania, Mozambique, Ghana and Rwanda. Rather than being channelled through
charities, which have a long record of working in these countries, it will
go directly to governments.

One of the most notable projects backed recently by Britain has been
Tanzania¹s air traffic system, which is far beyond the civilian needs of
this impoverished country.

The conclusion that Africa faces a new wave of imperial expansion is
inescapable. It is a threat that Mugabe and other African nationalist
leaders are incapable of averting. Mugabe is concerned only to defend his
own position of power and privilege. His political thuggery and manipulation
of food aid have only served to provide a pretext for intervention.

Representing the interests of a narrow bourgeois elite who used the war
against colonial rule for their own ends, Mugabe is incapable of uniting the
oppressed masses of Zimbabwe or the rest of Africa against this new colonial
enterprise. Instead he has created conditions of such political confusion
that US or British intervention will be welcomed by many who hope it will
mean salvation from hunger and oppression.

Such an intervention will in reality do nothing to help the millions now
starving from a famine in Africa. Famine afflicts Malawi, Zambia,
Mozambique, Angola and Ethiopia. The US and UK are blaming Mugabe for the
situation in Zimbabwe, but they have done nothing to alleviate the hunger in
these other countries where Mugabe cannot be held responsible. Instead the
imperialist powers are using starvation for which they are largely
responsible as a means of tightening their grip on Africa. The present
famines are the direct result of International Monetary Fund policies that
have left African governments unable to buy food that is in plentiful supply
outside the regions immediately hit by drought and wars, which have been
fomented by the West.

-------------------------------------------
Macdonald Stainsby
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/rad-green
http://lists.econ.utah.edu/mailman/listinfo/leninist-international
--
In the contradiction lies the hope.
                                     --Bertholt Brecht




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