By Mahir Cayan
***THE LEFT IN TURKEY AFTER MARCH 12.
As we have mentioned in the introduction part, revisionism and pacifism
became the most influential and most leading elements within the
"socialist front" because of the objective and historical conditions in
our country.
Because the petit-bourgeois is economically and politically strongly and
widely organized, and because our country was under the dictatorship of
the petit-bourgeois until '46 and because of a certain influence of the
petit-bourgeois in bureaucracy and army, the petit-bourgeois revisionism
possessed a broad workfield in our country.
Because of the worldwide prestige of socialism in the third quarter of
the 20th. century, the radical petit-bourgeois in the backward countries
took their place in the political arena under the name of socialism. The
strength and influence of petit-bourgeois radicalism on the state has
created, in one form or the other, the hope in the "socialist front"
that one could rely on pacifism and petit-bourgeois radicalism.
In this environs the socialist movement could not become independent in
our country, it was constant melted with petit-bourgeois radicalism and
tried to develop under the umbrella of legality from the
petit-bourgeois.
And precisely in this situation the coup of March 12. occurred and the
relative balance which existed since 1923 (it first in favour of the
revolutionary front, and after 1946 to its disadvantage), was destroyed.
The oligarchy in the country now controlled all institutions in the
state, destroyed the political strength of the petit-bourgeois and blew
up the left with its policy of oppression and violence.
The left, which consisted of seven or eight factions before March 12, is
now split into two camps:
- The armed revolutionary front.
- The offshoots of the oligarchy in the left, the pacifist front.
The situation before March 12, when opposition against the armed
propaganda, against the guerrilla, equalled treason, when almost
everybody talked about going over to armed actions, and the situation
after March 12, are two different worlds. Those who presented themselves
as the most hard-line, who saw themselves as the perfect
revolutionaries, who always talked about armed propaganda, who accused
everybody of treason who did not advocate armed propaganda, these many
sharp "guerrilla-experts" of legal times, clang, after March 12, with
hands and feet to the line of international revisionism which they
denounced as pacifism before, and they did so, when there was really no
way left but to take up arms, with the pretexts that they had not really
well-considered the question of the revolution before March 12, that
armed propaganda was not really organizing, that it was wrong, that they
had not seen its problems before, that they understood the theories now,
after March 12.
This is quite natural. Because every set-back brings right-wing and
pacifist tendencies into the open. (The defeat of 1905 gave, for the
time being, strength to the Menshivik line).
After March 12, there have been two contradictory developments in the
left in Turkey.
Firstly, while the consequent elements from different parts of the
people, except the students, in general gathered around armed
propaganda, many "hot charming celebrities" enroled voluntary in the
front of pacifism by saying they had made a mistake in the past.
This development in the left has also influenced our party and a small
group in our party, denouncing the ideological, theoretical and
strategic views of our party as the theory and praxis of Narodnism and
anarchism, has become the prolonged arm of the
pacifist front in our party.
--
Mine Aysen Doyran
PhD Student
Department of Political Science
SUNY at Albany
Nelson A. Rockefeller College
135 Western Ave.; Milne 102
Albany, NY 12222
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