In Italy in 1922 and in Germany in 1933, fascist parties conquered power.
During the same period, fascist dictatorships in Romania, Bulgaria and
Yugoslavia were formed.
No matter in which countries the fascist dictatorships existed, they are not
different from one another since they are the forms of rule to defend the
interests of the monopolist bourgeoisie with the most brutal methods. The
main methods that are used by fascism are deceit, demagogy and terror. In
accordance with the conditions in each country the ways fascism conquers
power differ. Therefore we divide fascism into two categories:
CLASSICAL FASCISM AND COLONIAL-TYPE FASCISM
1-Classical Fascism:
In the developed capitalist countries, where capitalism develops with its
own dynamic, fascism organises itself from bottom to top. The fascist
parties are organised by creating their own mass basis and by deceit and
demagogy, they conquer power on this basis. For example, in Germany, the
conquest of power by the Nazis was presented as a "revolution". The name of
the German fascist party was the "National Socialist German Workers' Party",
so that the longing for socialism of the masses could be exploited, because
socialism had become the hope of the peoples. With such total hypocrisy,
people were deceived by claims that starvation, poverty and unemployment
would be eliminated and all economic problems would be solved. In this way,
fascism deceived those who believed in it and terrorised those who did not.
"Fascism is in need of demagogy (racism, liberal-nationalism, anti-Semitism,
anti-communism) and mass propaganda on this basis. While they use violence
against people on the one hand, on the other hand they attempt to show a
smiling face to win them over. They make every effort to attract people to
their cause and even force them to become members of fascist organisations."
(Notes on Fascism, Togliatti)
As a result, no matter where it is, the biggest weapon of fascism is deceit
and demagogy on the basis of force.
2-Colonial-Type Fascism:
In countries like Turkey, the monopolist bourgeoisie develops dependent on
imperialism. Therefore it is weak and deformed. It has to be in alliance
with pre-monopoly elements, both technologically and economically it is
dependent on foreign capital, that is, the imperialist countries. To be
dependent on foreign capital means a constant economic, social and political
crisis. This situation is called the "national crisis". Because of this
"national crisis", the oligarchy cannot exploit the people by using
bourgeois-democratic methods. Our country is a typical example. The
governments cannot rule for a long time and an atmosphere of elections,
coalitions and referendums is continuous. Almost every 10 years, a military
coup takes place. Those who come to power try to hang on to their positions
by force and repression, and all kinds of dirty business like corruption,
bribery, mafias, gangs are the reflection of the existence of the "national
crisis".
In short, the oligarchy has no alternative but to use tyranny, repression,
terror and price rises. And under conditions of continuous instability, it
can only survive by implementing fascism.
It is different from Classical Fascism in its application and the way it is
formed. In Colonial-Type Fascism, the formation of fascism as a form of
state arises from the formation of monopolist capital. Monopolist capital is
dependent on imperialism and forms from top to bottom, and this is how
fascism is formed. It is not based on the masses and their organisations, as
happened in Italy. The state is gradually reorganised by the bourgeoisie in
fascist style. The monopolist bourgeoisie, which is in control of political
power, implements fascism in alliance with pre-monopoly elements. Therefore,
while in the developed capitalist countries the class basis of fascism is
the most reactionary and chauvinist elements of monopolist capital, in
countries like ours it is the whole oligarchy. In our country the oligarchy
is the alliance of the collaborationist monopoly bourgeoisie, the usury
merchants and landlords.
Colonial-Type Fascism is exercised in two ways.
Secret Fascism: There are partial and formal bourgeois democratic rights.
But these have no other function than to cover up fascism.
Open Fascism: when monopolist capital cannot cope with the situation, the
cover concealing fascism is removed. Repression and force take place openly.
The more detailed explanation of colonial-type fascism, secret and open
fascism will be given below, by means of practical examples from our
country.
THE INSTITUTIONALISATION OF FASCISM IN OUR COUNTRY
TOOK PLACE STEP BY STEP
When the Republic of Turkey was established, it was not a fascist state.
Mustafa Kemal himself was not a fascist. In the first years of the republic,
there were Kemalists, in other words petit-bourgeois nationalists, at the
upper levels of the administration, but they were not the only ones there.
The state was a transitional one in which, besides Kemalists, there were
other sections of the petite bourgeoisie. The main aim of the Kemalists was
to develop capitalism by creating a national bourgeoisie. Since the
Kemalists enjoyed hegemony in this period, we refer to it as a "Kemalist
dictatorship" or a petit-bourgeois dictatorship. Mustafa Kemal himself said
that "we will try to create many millionaires and even billionaires in our
country."
Did they succeed? They succeeded in creating new millionaires but could not
succeed in creating a national bourgeoisie. Up to that time the bourgeoisie
were only merchants and therefore they avoided investments and risk-taking.
They were inexperienced, weak and therefore cowards.
Under these circumstances imperialism was able to dig its claws in bit by
bit and with its colonial policies it started to establish its own fascist
system.
FIRST IMPERIALISM CREATED A COLLABORATIONIST CLASS
Imperialism could not establish a system to protect its own interests
without establishing a class with mutual interests.
Therefore in 1948 it strengthened the colonial bourgeoisie with loans and
credits called "Marshall Aid". In alliance with other sections of the
bourgeoisie, this group was elected to power in the 1950s.
These elections then were not ordinary ones like today's. They resulted in
the influence of the Kemalists being ended, while the oligarchy became
hegemonic.
In a short time new sections of the collaborationist monopolies came into
being, one after another. In this period the Koc and Sabanci families
started to come to prominence. When the DP (Democratic Party) came to power
in 1950 the institutionalising of fascism accelerated, especially in the
government bureaucracy and the military. The first thing they did was to
remove the Kemalists from the senior ranks of the armed forces. Turkey's
entrance into NATO placed the military at NATO's disposal. And the
contra-guerrillas were being established by reorganising the MIT so it was
under the control of the CIA.
Meanwhile, civilian fascist groups were encouraged to organise under the
banner of a reactionary ideology which made use of religion.
There were certain obstacles to the institutionalising of fascism. Against
the background of these developments and the collaborationist policies of
the DP, Kemalists who had been driven from the upper levels of the army
succeeded in carrying out a political revolution on May 27, 1960 by taking
into account the discontent of the people. Kemalists in the military seized
power. The May 27 administration succeeded in achieving certain changes like
the "constitution" of 1961, semi-autonomous universities, freedom of
participation in democratic organisations, all things which should not be
under-estimated. So we define May 27 as a political revolution.
But despite the May 27 revolution, which interrupted the institutionalising
of fascism, it could not be permanently halted, because the forces that made
May 27 were too weak. For example, they could not put an end to relations
with the imperialists. Since they were afraid of US intervention, as soon as
they conquered power, they declared that they would be loyal to bilateral
agreements and imperialist institutions such as NATO and CENTO. As a result
of their inability to alter relations with the imperialists, after a time
they lost the initiative to the collaborationist bourgeoisie. The AP
(Justice Party) replaced the DP and the institutionalising of fascism
continued.
But still there were obstacles. Especially since in the 1960s, there was an
atmosphere of freedom and anti-imperialist consciousness, and the struggle
associated with it developed.
When the oligarchy could not rule any more in the old way, it did not
hesitate to make use of open fascism. The junta periods arising from March
12, 1971 and September 12, 1980 were periods when fascism proved its
existence by means of massacres, torture and prisons.
Hundreds of thousands of people were dragged out of their beds in the middle
of the night and taken to unknown destinations.
The news was full of stories of torture and deaths resulting from clashes.
Military vehicles, tanks and armoured cars were in the city squares and at
every street corner.
Hundreds of people were made to lie down on the pavements with soldiers and
police standing over them.
The prisons were full of revolutionaries, democrats, intellectuals, authors,
trade unionists.
Associations, trade unions and political parties were closed down.
Strikes and demonstrations were banned.
The entire opposition was banned in this period. A suitable environment was
prepared for the rule of the oligarchy to continue. These were periods when
the institutionalising of fascism took place at the most rapid pace.
For example, on March 12, 1971, the Kemalists were almost completely
expelled from the military, and on September 12, 1980 even those who saluted
revolutionary or democratic officers were expelled, and the Kemalist
elements were completely eliminated. Again, March 12 changed the
constitution of 1961 beyond all recognition. September 12 abolished it
completely and replaced it with the 1982 constitution.
The institutionalising of fascism continued at other times at a much slower
pace than in the junta period. We call these periods secret fascism, ands in
these periods civilian fascists replace the military. As they openly
admitted, they tried to suppress the revolutionary struggle by acting as
assistants to the state. Meanwhile, all the state institutions, especially
the educational institutions, were filled with fascists. The education
system was reshaped according to the needs of fascism. Those who were
recommended by civilian fascist organisations were accepted into the ranks
of the police. After the September 12 junta, fascism was openly implemented.
Its institutionalisation was completed. At present, Turkey is an openly
fascist state.
THE INSTITUTIONALISING OF FASCISM IN OUR COUNTRY
When fascism is mentioned in our country the end of the 1970s springs to
mind. During these years the civilian fascist terror intensified. They were
not attacking with chains, knives, iron bars, but with automatic weapons and
explosives. Today's President Demirel was then the Prime Minister (Note:
Demirel has retired since this article was written.). Hypocritically he
said, "You cannot get me to say that the rightists are committing crimes."
At the same time the fascists were committing brutal murders and the country
was turned into a lake of blood. They were spraying houses, cafes, bus-stops
and so on with indiscriminate gunfire. Fascist massacres and attacks spread
all over the country. On March 16, 1978, fascists committed their first mass
killing. Seven students were killed in a bomb attack in front of Istanbul
University, and dozens were wounded. The Balgat (Ankara) massacre followed,
with five killed and 14 wounded by gunfire. And again, the Bahcelievler
(Ankara) massacre took place, in which seven students were brutally
murdered.
And there were many more incidents.
The daily death toll was not below 20 to 30. And it increased every day.
On December 24, 1978, this time not just revolutionaries and progressives
but an entire generation of human beings was shaken by the Maras massacre.
The fascist murderers massacred poor people in Maras with automatic weapons,
they did not discriminate between children, the elderly and women. Girls
were raped in front of their families, dynamite was shoved into women's
sexual organs and detonated, breasts were cut off, people were burned or
nailed to walls and trees. Their houses were burnt down and belongings
plundered. Even hospitals were attacked in order to finish off the wounded.
There was no limit to the horror.
That day in Maras there were not just five or ten people killed, but an
official death toll of 111. There were thousands of wounded.
Another 11 people were killed during protest demonstrations over Maras.
Another massacre at Corum followed Maras.
This repulsive aggression targeted everyone except the followers of fascism,
and the brutality of fascism was felt everywhere. So these years are
remembered as years of pure fascism, since the savagery was so keenly felt.
But it would be a mistake to understand fascism simply from these examples.
Because sometimes as at the end of the 1970s, it made use of evil fascist
attacks and juntas, and at other times it used juntas. Then the massacres
and torture were carried out by juntas. And at other times like now it
resorts to "disappearances" and torture and killing by "unknown
perpetrators". Today the number of disappeared and killed by torture and
massacres is not less than at earlier times.
And the common point of all these fascist attacks, regardless of their form,
is that they are opposed to the struggle of the people and their demands for
freedom. The main aim is to silence and intimidate the people and continue
exploitation. As we mentioned above, fascism is a form of rule and we call
fascism in our country Colonial-Type Fascism.
This means that the existing regime is fascist and whichever party is in
power, reality does not change.
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THE STATE TODAY
Today in our country there is no party that calls itself fascist. Nor could
there be. Even the MHP (Nationalist Movement Party, the "Grey Wolves") does
not call itself fascist because fascism has been condemned by the peoples of
the world. For thousands of years the sorrow that fascism has caused will
not be forgotten by the peoples of the world.
In reality, fascism is not the enemy of a certain nation or country, but the
enemy of all the peoples. It is insidious and back-stabbing. Because it
always rules through deceit and demagogy. Therefore it is a most dangerous
enemy.
When we look at our country we can see this fact clearly. For example, the
speeches of statesmen are full of lies and manipulation. Whatever they say
today can easily be forgotten tomorrow, and quite shamelessly they will deny
something they said only a short while before. Especially during elections,
they make promises and do not keep them. They claim they are the
representatives of the people, but without the permission of TUSIAD (Turkey'
s employers' and big business confederation) or the USA, they will not lift
a finger. Whoever became the Prime Minister visited the USA at least once
after taking office. The most recent example is Prime Minister Bulent Ecevit
's visit. When Clinton treated him like a servant, the media in Turkey tried
to present this as something to be proud of. There are many examples of
this. But their biggest lie is that the state is democratic. Of course there
is a constitution, parliament and political parties, and courts to intervene
in cases of wrong-doing. The military are in their barracks for the moment
and there are plenty of elections. Everyone can vote as they wish. Even the
press can issue criticisms. There are also plenty of books and magazines.
They say, "How can we be any more democratic than this?"
Then what is the reality of fascism in our country? Wherever fascism has
been institutionalised. to answer this question we have to analyse the
institutions which constitute the state. Because the meaning of a state
being fascist is that its institutions are fascist.
What are these institutions?
The legislature, that is, parliament.
The administration, the governments consisting ministries and related
bureaucracies.
The judiciary, that is, the courts.
The military which defends the security of the country and protects the
borders.
The state consists of all these institutions and its duties are defined by
the constitution.
Of course we should not forget the civilian fascists, because they are
always an auxiliary force of the fascist state and the mass basis of
fascism. This is also how they see themselves. Foe example, they always take
part in the funeral ceremonies for soldiers and police. When the police kill
revolutionaries, the civilian fascists turn up and applaud. When the state
seeks new recruits for contra-guerrilla teams, recruits whose duties require
inhuman barbarity such as cutting off ears and noses and slashing throats,
it can find these recruits in the MHP and Idealist Hearths (Ulku Ocaklari -
in Turkey, the fascists often call themselves "idealists").
THE CHARACTERISTICS OF THESE INSTITUTIONS
In democratic countries the legislature, judiciary and administration are
independent of each other. They cannot influence each other. In fascist
regimes, on the other hand, the administration is everything. For example,
when Hitler and his party gained power, all the institutions of the state
were under its control. The same is true of Mussolini and his party.
In our country they say that the three institutions are separate. But this
is just words. In reality all these institutions are under the control and
at the disposal of the MGK (National Security Council). This reality was
exposed clearly, especially after Susurluk. For instance in 1997, the famous
"February 28 decisions" were taken by the MGK. Also, the implementation of
these decisions is under the control of the MGK. The MGK consists of the
General Staff and all the top military men, the Prime Minister and some of
the ministers. they meet once a month and all sorts of decisions are taken
in relation to ruling the country. The President chairs these meetings.
Today not a single regulation or law passed by the parliament of the Council
of Ministers can be implemented without the authorisation of the MGK. The
MGK is the top and only body of the legislature, judiciary and
administration.
Within the structure of the MGK, the military is dominant. This means that
the decisions of the MGK are actually the decisions of the military. In
other words, the military forces its directives upon these three
institutions by means of the MGK.
What if they don't agree with that?
That is totally out of the question, because the MGK is under the protection
of the constitution. When the duties of the MGK are defined in the
constitution it is written that "the MGK makes recommendations which have to
be obeyed." The meaning of this is very clear. The recommendations of the
MGK must be implemented by the government. Because of mutual rivalries, if
these decisions are not implemented or there is backsliding, then what
happened to the Refah (Welfare) Party will be repeated. (Note: Refah, an
Islamist party, was closed down by the MGK in 1997-98 despite being the most
electorally popular party in Turkey.) Let's remember that when the Islamist
part of society represented by Refah came into conflict with the MGK
programme, the Refah Party fell right away and was even closed down. Its
leaders were prohibited from taking any further part in political activity,
and instead a "soft" version of Refah, the Fazilet (Virtue) Party, was
established.
We have mentioned that all the institutions that constitute the state are
fascist. This means the parliament is fascist. How does this happen?
In fact this is the most complex part of the arguments about whether or not
there is fascism in our country. There are many parties, so many MPs, and
alongside the fascists like the BBP (Great Unity Party) and MHP, there are
also MPs who are at least not fascist. Sometimes they oppose torture and
even support the struggle of the Mothers of the Disappeared. Then why do we
say parliament is a fascist institution? Parliament is the uppermost body of
the state in democratic countries. Laws and legislation are made, changed,
decisions and programmes of governments are accepted or rejected. But we
have already mentioned that in our country the uppermost institution is the
MGK.
Secondly, what is the point of the uppermost institution not having armed
forces at its disposal? None. Because without armed force there is no
ability to force others to accept decisions. In our country the authority to
use the armed forces and the authority of parliament to use the armed forces
has been taken away by the constitution. This authority belongs to the
President, which means that without the knowledge of parliament the
President can even declare war or take similar decisions. This situation is
the most important proof that parliament is a puppet institution.
On the other hand, since fascist regimes like the one in our country call
themselves democratic, it permits certain institutions of a parliamentary
(democratic) regime. It gives people the right to vote, but the political
parties and electoral laws are regulated in such a way that fascism does not
give a chance to any parties that might harm the system. Our people often
use the following phrase to describe the situation: "Voting for the one who
is least bad." During elections, people vote not to select the desired party
or MP, but to elect the least undesirable party or MP . Fascism does not
permit anything outside of the choices it puts forward. All the successful
parties provide for the implementation of fascism under a false cover of
democracy.
What does this mean?
In reality these parties do not differ from one another. In principle, they
are all the mouthpieces of the oligarchy and imperialism. Therefore we call
all these parties bourgeois parties. They heavily criticise each other as if
there is any difference between them, but when they are in power no
difference is perceptible.
All governments up to and including the present one are formed with the
support of the TUSIAD and imperialism. This collaboration is committed
openly. Even the head of the Refah Party, Erbakan, who claims that he is the
representative of the Islamist section of society and called the USA the
"great Satan", had to ask for the approval of the USA when he became Prime
Minister (1996). He even had to change his image in order to obtain this
approval.
The oligarchy and imperialism never support just one party. In accordance
with the current conditions, whichever party can best protect their
interests will be supported by them. For instance, yesterday the ANAP
(Motherland Party), or the DSP (Democratic Left Party) and today the
coalition of ANAP and DSP. ANAP is called a centre-right party, the DSP is
centre-left, but both can only stay in power as long as they protect the
interests of imperialism and the oligarchy. When they are used up, and are
in a situation in which they cannot carry out their policies, they are
replaced by other parties of the oligarchy. Today, the MHP is an example of
this.
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