ML Update : A CPI(ML) Weekly News Magazine
Vol.-3; No.-43; 1-11-2000


Editorial


Of Retrenchment and Retirement:
Change of Guard in Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal

With Assembly election slated for early next year, both BJP-ruled U.P.
and Left-ruled West Bengal witnessed rather predictable changes of
guard. In U.P., Ram Prakash Gupta’s eminently forgettable innings has
been brought to an end soon after Vajpayee’s knee-replacement operation.
The BJP government in UP had all along been notorious for brutal police
atrocities and systematic minority-bashing. Under Ram Prakash Gupta’s
stewardship, the state administration had also touched new lows of
inefficiency and the BJP was faced with mounting mass anger and
alienation as well as severe organizational crisis and erosion of
influence. Against this backdrop, the Sangh Parivar has catapulted an
aggressive strongman like Rajnath Singh to the Chief Minister’s chair.
The desperate move has obviously evoked comparison with similar
exercises undertaken in the past, especially in Delhi when Sushma Swaraj
was brought in to replace a discredited Saheb Singh Verma. In the event,
the replacement could not stop the subsequent poll debacle and it
remains to be seen whether Gupta’s replacement by Singh can arrest the
BJP’s fast dwindling electoral fortune. The party had suffered a
humiliating marginalisation in the recent panchayat elections, and we
will soon see if the municipal elections due later this year have any
different story to tell.
The return of Kalraj Mishra as the president of the state unit of the
BJP and the rise of Rajnath Singh as the chief minister however mark a
serious crisis for the BJP’s experiment with so-called social
engineering. For the time being the party has obviously chosen to
suspend and even sacrifice its ambitious plans of expanding into the OBC
base and has instead chosen to consolidate the party’s traditional upper
caste appeal which too had started fading in recent times. This
attempted consolidation is of course being sought to be supplemented by
equally desperate attempts to work out a fresh deal with the BSP. The
BJP’s back-to-square-one approach is also likely to witness desperate
attempts at a deliberate aggravation of communal tension and
criminalisation of politics. The times ahead will indeed prove
challenging for democratic forces in the state.
The change of guard in West Bengal is of course a study in contrast.
When Jyoti Basu bows out on November 6, he will be opting for a kind of
voluntary retirement to bring to an end an uninterrupted and protracted
chief ministerial stint of more than 23 years. He had been harbouring
retirement plans since 1996 when he had received the offer for the top
job in Delhi. Now when he retires, there is no offer waiting for him in
Delhi, even though the party has now readied its programme for any such
eventuality. Basu had also announced his plans to step down a few months
ago, but a resurgent Mamata wave and threats of central intervention had
forced him to defer his move. Since then the CPI(M) in Bengal believes
to have turned the table considerably on the TMC. Many of the villages
‘lost’ to the TMC have been ‘recaptured’ and politically Mamata finds
herself in a soup over the hike in petro-prices. Basu’s retirement at
this opportune moment, the CPI(M) strategists hope, would take some more
wind out of Mamata’s ambitious sails by blunting the edge of her
campaign directed all these years against Basu, the Chief Minister.
Mamata has already started terming Basu’s retirement an escapist
exercise, but what does she say about the replacement of Gupta in UP?
Moreover, having previously blamed communists for clinging to power till
death she has no basis for grudging Basu his well-deserved retirement.
It is now widely accepted that over the years the Left Front government
in West Bengal underwent an obvious metamorphosis in both theory and
practice and this slideback towards a social-democratic course has
clearly carried a strong imprint of Basu’s leadership. In the process
Basu has of course developed a Vajpayee-like supra-party aura, a case of
the-right-man-in-the-wrong-party kind. The party too has developed the
art of treating him differently, no other leader could have got away
with the kind of public fulmination against the party’s so-called
‘historic blunder’ that we have heard repeatedly from Basu since 1996.
And now Basu has also managed to leave his mark on the party’s ‘updated’
programme. But the more he has been trying to recast himself as a
communist Bidhan Roy, the more has he failed to placate the upwardly
mobile sections of the middle classes in West Bengal. Meanwhile,
considerable sections of the industrial working class have been steadily
moving away from the party, and now agricultural labourers and other
sections of the rural poor are also showing growing signs of unease and
unrest. Basu’s charisma may have helped cement the Left Front coalition
above, but the social alliance underneath has certainly started
developing multiple cracks.
As the Buddhadev Bhattacharyas, Subhas Chakrabartys and Saifuddin
Chowdhurys fight it out among themselves over their respective shares of
the Basu legacy, the CPI(M) in West Bengal, and by extension in the
entire country, is evidently faced with a difficult transition. However
much the Sangh Parivar may like to relish this with chuckles, genuine
communists will surely draw the right lessons from experiences of the
Basu era and make sure that the saffron chuckles are adequately answered
by a different kind of red resurgence.


Press release


Statement by Party GS on Developments in U.P.

"A token replacement of the Chief Minister in UP will in no way be able
to lessen the growing mass anger against the notorious RSS-backed regime
in the state. In all likelihood, the experiment of replacing Ram Prakash
Gupta by Rajnath Singh will end in a similar fiasco as the farcical
exercise enacted earlier in Delhi when Sahib Singh Verma had been
replaced by Sushma Swaraj. The beleaguered BJP Govt. had collapsed
miserably in Delhi and now it is awaiting a similar collapse in UP.
"The unceremonious removal of Ram Prakash Gupta and the catapulting of
Rajnath Singh as the Chief Minister coupled with Kalraj Mishra's rise as
the party chief indicate a collapse of the BJP's experiments with so
called social engineering in UP. With this bankruptcy of the saffron
enterprise of social engineering, the BJP in UP is back to square one.
The BJP led government in the state has all along been notorious for its
anti-minority stance particularly for the veritable witch-hunt of
Muslims in the name of combating ISI-sponsored activities. Secular and
democratic forces will now have to remain alert against any possible
saffron attempt to whip up Hindu communal frenzy over Ayodhya and other
issues of minority-bashing. Dalit activists in the state must also be on
their guard against any possible political deal between the BJP and the
BSP."
Party also condemned the growing incidence of atrocities on dalits in
several parts of UP and demanded stern action against DM and SP of
Barabanki for failing to apprehend the real culprits of October 20
incident of violence against dalits in which three persons had lost
their lives due to the acid thrown on them by the feudal criminals and
dozens got seriously injured.


Commentary

Balance-sheet of Jyoti Basu's Governance

Having led the Left Front government for 23 long years, Jyoti Basu
cannot complain shortage of time, instability of government or
interference from the Centre. But the economy of the state has either
stagnated or slipped down by all indications. Unemployment of youth has
gone up leaps and bounds while the number of closed industrial units has
shot up during this period. West Bengal has allowed other states to
surpass it in SDP, per capita income and percentage of people living
above poverty line.
The state, which ranked third in terms of net domestic products in
1975-76, had slipped to the fifth position in 96-97. In per capita
income standing, it has fallen down more sharply from the sixth position
in 1976 to thirteenth position in 1991. The India Human Development
Report prepared by the National Council of Applied Economic Research
(NCAER) places West Bengal at an embarrassing 15th position with per
capita income much lower than Punjab's Rs. 6,380, Haryana's Rs. 6,368,
Kerala's Rs. 5,778 and Andhra's Rs. 5046.
The state is ranked next to Orissa from the bottom in terms of
percentage of population below the poverty line. Against a national
average of 39%, West Bengal has a poor 51%. The much touted PDS is also
least used in West Bengal along with Bihar, Orissa and U.P. Incidence of
second degree malnutrition or stunted growth is high in West Bengal
matching the figures of Bihar, U.P. and the Northeast. Purchasing power
of the rural population is also below other states. Ownership of
durables, a key indicator to rural economic health is among the lowest
in West Bengal. It ranks alongside Bihar, Orissa, U.P. with the lowest
record of electrified villages. A high proportion of households in rural
Bengal do not have access to tap water, according to the latest Human
Development Report.
According to its 1964 Party Programme, CPI(M) had sought to come to
power in states to introduce moderate reforms and provide modest relief
to the people with this "higher weapon of class struggle".
Abovementioned facts show that apart from suppressing the class struggle
in the state with this "weapon", the Left Front govt. has miserably
failed even in its above said objectives. This gives us no surprise, for
when a social-democratic party attempts to run a bourgeois government
according to bourgeois rules of the game, it has to fall victim to
bourgeois maladies and end up only in creating illusions about the
bourgeois system. If anywhere Jyoti Basu has scored a limited success,
it is on this count. Bidding him farewell in his retirement party the
bourgeoisie may extend him heartiest thanks, but what reason would the
proletariat and toiling people find to do so?


Protests &  resistance

Party Opposes Killings of Bihari Workers by ULFA and Attack on Church

Party strongly condemned the brutal killing of 16 migrant labourer from
Bihar by ULFA mercenaries in Dibrugarh and Tinsukia districts of Assam.
Citing similar massacres of migrant Bihari labourers in Karbi Anglong of
Assam as well as Jammu and Kashmir and Punjab, Party called upon the
ruling RJD-Congress coalition in the state to shed its continuing apathy
and insensitivity regarding the deteriorating conditions of migrant
Bihari workers and put pressure on the Centre and other concerned state
governments to provide better security and working conditions to the
poor and helpless labourers who are being forced to migrate for sheer
survival.
Party also condemned the attack on a church in Nagpur and said that
following the RSS threat to the Christians to homogenise with Hindutwa
or perish, such anti-Christian terrorist activities are bound to
multiply. Party appealed to all progressive, democratic and patriotic
forces to strongly protest the RSS terror tactics of intimidation,
assault and killing.


For Development of Bihar, Against Criminalisation

Seminar, meetings and other activities have been intensified all over
the state under the banner of Bihar development movement. On 17 Oct. a
development convention was organised by student youth organisations at
Vidyapati Bhawan in Patna, in which more than 300 students and youth
participated. It was addressed by Party Gen. Secy. Com. Dipankar
Bhattacharya, Prof. Nawal Kishor Chaudhary and some other renowned
intellectuals. Com. Dipankar said that whereas Bihar is facing the brunt
of economic backwardness, notorious politicians of Bihar are adding
insult to injury by showering empty phrases of development and
reconstruction and holding ostentatious political shows. NDA and
RJD-Congress alliance are beating one-another in criminalisation of
politics and economy in Bihar and only they are responsible for the
anarchy and misery that has already reached dangerous levels by now. The
government notoriously known for scams never had the development of
Bihar as its priority agenda even slogan's sake. No central minister or
the so-called core group of MPs of Bihar has succeeded in getting any
concrete plan of industrialisation and infrastructural investment for
Bihar's development implemented. Only a powerful democratic movement can
rescue Bihar from this mounting crisis. CPI(ML) has already initiated it
and now the agenda of development must be made central agenda of
politics in Bihar.
In this sequence, a seminar was organised at Urdu Library in Motihari,
the first of its kind, on 18 October. Apart from Com. Dipankar
Bhattacharya, Com. Nandji Ram, convenor of Khet Mazdoor Sabha and other
intellectuals addressed the seminar. It was attended by around 500
participants.
Another seminar on the same topic was organised at Kala Bhawan in Purnea
on 20 October. Apart from Com. Dipankar Bhattacharya, Com. Ramjatan
Sharma, Com. Prabhat Kumar, a number of CPI, CPI(M) and old socialist
leaders also addressed the seminar. Around 350 persons attended the
seminar.
Party organised a seminar on the same subject on 20 October at Dehri on
Sone. It was inaugurated by Com. Pawan Sharma. Apart from other
speakers, Com. Arun Singh, MLA from Karakat, Rajaram Singh MLA from Obra
and Ashok Singh also addressed the seminar that was attended by over
1,500 people including representatives of Rohtas Udyog Bachao Sangharsh
Morcha.
Thousands of people under the leadership of the Party organised rail
roko on 23 October at Nirmali subdivision of Supaul district on the
demands of constructing high dam on Koshi river, linking Supaul by rail
and road, and permanent solution to the chronic problem of flood. Led by
Com. Muktimohan, Dinesh Mahato and Swarnima, the agitators faced brutal
lathicharge by police.
A dharna was staged protesting rise in petroleum prices as well as on
developmental problems before the Chhapra collectorate. More than 100
persons participated in the dharna. A memorandum was handed over to the
DM.
A protest meeting against police repression was held at Barsoi in
Katihar on 19 October. Attended by over 500 people it was addressed by
Com. Ramjatan Sharma, who condemned the police for implicated 8 party
cadres along with Com. Mahboob Alam in a false case at the instance of
local BJP MP, and beating a party activist Com. Shamshul. Withdrawal of
false cases against Com. Mahboob Alam and others was demanded. In the
evening a cadre training camp was held at Gwaltoli in Barsoi in which 60
cadres participated. It was addressed by Com. Ramjatan Sharma and Sudama
Prasad, member of Bihar State Committee.
A protest march was held in Patna on 18 October condemning Tahira
massacre in Siwan. Recently 17 persons have been killed in two massacres
at Mujahidapur and Tahira villages of Siwan perpetrated by RJD backed
criminal gang of Shahabuddin and BJP-Samata backed criminal gang of
Satish Pandey etc. Party conducted a week-long mass campaign from 18 to
23 October against massacre and communalism in hundreds of villages,
which was culminated in a "harmony rally" on 24 october. On 24 October
Com. Dipankar visited Mujahidapur and Tahira villages and met people
there. The administration clamped prohibitory orders on the rally to
disrupt it and prevented thousands of people from reaching Siwan. Still,
more than 2000 people participated in the march led by Com. Dipankar,
Ramjatan Sharma, KD Yadav, Amarnath Yadav, Arun Singh, Satyadev Ram, MLA
from Mairwan and Murtza Ali. While the march was detained, the leaders
along with 4000 supporters were arrested. Against this highhandedness,
protest day was observed throughout Bihar on 25 October. Programmes were
also held in Calcutta, Jaipur, Guwahati, Lucknow and elsewhere.


Anti-Price Hike Rally in North Dinajpur of W.B.


On 23 October 10 CPI(ML) factions jointly protested against steep rise
in diesel, petrol and kerosine prices throughout Bengal. In North
Dinajpur, our Party took initiative to mobilise around 4,000 people in a
procession to DM office covering 4-km route. When the agitators broke
the police cordon in front of the DM office, police conducted
lathicharge but the people did not get dispersed. A meeting was held
there addressed by District Party Secy. Com. Ajit Das, veteran Com.
Ramdas Mandal and Sushanta Sarkar. A delegation met the DM and handed
over a memorandum to him. The speakers condemned BJP-led government's
policy of surrender to imperialst globalisation which is getting
manifested in one after another attack on people's livelihood, and
called upon people to get prepared for larger and intensified protest
movement in the coming days.



Initiatives

Initiatives in Kerala

On 19 October, with the formation of RYA Palakkad unit, a study class
was organised on expanding RYA. Party State Leading Team Secretary Com.
John K. Erumeli inaugurated the class and SLT member O.P. Kunju Pillai
conducted it. Com. Joy Peter T. and Com. Kannal A.R. provided the
orientation to the discussion.
Kerala State Leading Team published the Malayalam translation of two
articles appeared in Liberation on the critical exposure of the draft
programme of CPI(M) and conducted a wide discussion on these.


Area Conference in Mahrauli of Delhi

On 30 October area conference of Mahrauli was held in which 45 comrades
including 36 delegates and 9 guests took part. Com. Rajendra Pratholi,
Secy. of Delhi State Committee was the chief guest. A work report was
presented and discussed upon. The conference elected a 9 member
committee with Com. Ranjan Ganguli as its secretary. The conference
resolved to intensify work in three areas and on the basis of this
expansion, hold district conference by the end of next year.


International

Third World People Say No To WB-IMF

A report released to coincide with the Sep. 26 protests against the
World Bank and IMF in Prague catalogues more than 50 separate episodes
of protest against World Bank-IMF policies in 13 poor countries
involving more than a million people in the past ten months since
Seattle. Half the protests ended in violent clashes with police and
military. Ten people lost their lives, and more than 300 got injured.
>From Argentina to Zambia, farmers, workers, teachers and priests have
called for an end to IMF-imposed economic reforms. While the media
attention in the West has focused on protests in the developed
countries, the report argues that these were "just the tip of the
iceberg". "In the global south, a far deeper and wide- ranging movement
has been developing for years, largely ignored by the media", it states.

"Millions of people around the world have seen the IMF attempting to
undermine their national governments. It is seen forcing countries into
a one size for all blue-print economic development, in the so-called
structural adjustment programs. "All these policies hurt the poor. Most
governments in the developing countries, seeking to retain power and to
be acceptable internationally, choose the IMF over their own people" ,
the report states.
The report summarises the protests in 13 countries. In Argentina a
series of strikes and protests took place against the government. In
Bolivia, escalating protests against the privatisation of water and a
200% price hike led to a general strike and serious movements called for
an end to IMF policies. The president declared a state of emergency and
soldiers were deployed. At least six people were killed. In Brazil more
than a million people voted against IMF reform in a mock referendum, and
several thousands followed the vote with a mass demonstration called the
"cry of the excluded". In Ecuador, a mass movement of 40,000 people
opposing further IMF reforms, led to the storming of Congress and
subsequently a bloodless military coup. Despite its new president, IMF
has continued with its reforms, leading to continued riots and civil
unrest.


'Strengthen the Party' Campaign


Principles of Democratic Centralism

Now, on the question of democratic centralism there is a debate. So many
things have bee said. I think the most important point was: the right to
legitimate opposition, i.e., a bloc sort of thing, as a method to unify
different parties in India into a single large Party. It is better if
one sticks to the formulation that there is only one way of uniting
different left factions and left parties into a single communist party.
For the unification of left factions and communist parties we already
have a different idea, viz. left confederation. In spite of all the
existing differences among different parties, we can make this
experiment for a broader unity of left confederation. But within a
single communist party if we try that experiment... so far the
experiences have proved to be negative. There has been the PCC which
tried to operate on that basis. And all that tricks of unification in
the communist movement and the ML movement on the basis of bloc
operation and legitimized opposition have all ended in fiasco.
They have only given rise to more groups than they had united. In
contrast to that if we look at our Party's history and experience we
never went for unity on that premise. But still comrades from different
groups and different parties have always been coming to join our Party.
If you check up our Party membership you will find a good percentage of
them -- I think their numbers may perhaps surpass the number of comrades
who were originally with us in 1974 -- have come from other parties...
Some factions have even dissolved their organizations and united with
our party. That way we have been able to unite a good number of left and
Naxalite revolutionaries with our party. This has been our history. ...
But the fundamental point of democratic centralism is that the whole
party is subordinated to the CC, an additional formulation which often
some comrades forget. This is perhaps the most important one. And this
way the whole relation is reversed. The entire party means a big
majority while the Central Committee is a minority of 25 members. This
is very unusual. This is very different. And this is the whole crux of
communist party's democratic centralism. Unless this is understood
perhaps you cannot understand the full concept of democratic centralism
in its integrity.
-- Vinod Mishra, Selected Works, p 467-468.

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