Below you will find the most hypocritical piece of so-called journalism in
Germany I have come across in recent years. Basically it comes down to
preach religion and family values to the German working class. Hypocritical
because exactly the same social forces who are praising family values are
trying to restrict family members of immigrants coming to Germany. (E.g.
Yesterday the conservative CSU demanded to reduce the age of children
allowed to come to their parents in Germany from 16 to 10 years).
But besides an hypcrosy that is almost comic the article reflects the deep
problems the ruling class has created over immigration in Germany. On the
one hand they need racism to rally some sort of mass base for their
nationalist policies, on the other hands they are afraid that the racist
propaganda is running out of their control and creating social turmoil. That
is why we are seeing here in Germany an unprecedented wave of 'anti-racism'
from above. The following article is a facet of this campaign.

Johannes

>From www.faz.com :

'You Cannot Settle Down in a Void'

By Konrad Schuller

BERLIN. Six subway stops, six faces. The journey to the Berlin district of
Kreuzberg on line U1 begins at Möckernbrücke station. A woman leans against
the railings of the steps, talking to the air with flailing arms. Her front
teeth are missing; her right hand holds a can of Becks beer.

At the station Hallesches Tor, a thin man in a woolen overcoat that is too
big for him crouches by an orange-tiled wall as commuters clatter past. His
begging hat lies in front of him. On his sleeve, he wears an armband with
the yellow circle and the three black dots of the blind.

At Prinzenstrasse station, there is no one to be seen. Because the security
guards just passed through, the people on the down-and-out have sought
shelter elsewhere -- for the moment.

At Kottbusser Tor station, a man is lying on the traffic island beneath the
viaduct of the elevated railway. The stream of cars along Skalizter Strasse
flows around him. Exhaust fumes, the rumbling of the trains, pigeon
droppings: This is his garden. His house is a mattress, a plastic chair and
a few plastic bags. He sleeps beneath a frayed tablecloth.

At Görlitzer Bahnhof, a diabetic and a disabled man have their places. The
diabetic to the right of the steps, the disabled man on the left. The
diabetic has a sign describing his illness, and a plate to which he has
taped a coin. The disabled man sits in his wheelchair, drunk, his head
hanging back, mouth gaping, his hand tensed in the gesture of begging. Beer
cans are strewn around the wheelchair.

At the station Schlesisches Tor, the last stop in Kreuzberg, a bearded man
wanders from one kiosk to the next. Despite the cold, he is wearing a pair
of patterned women's summer pants. He staggers, his head hanging loosely
over his chest, his eyes, nose, and mouth all running into his beard.

These are the stations of a Berlin district. At first glance, the beggars,
alcoholics and junkies of Kreuzberg almost seem like a personification of
the social statistics. This is what it looks like when the unemployment rate
is 29 percent.

But on closer inspection the cosmos contradicts the official figures. About
32 percent of Kreuzberg's residents are foreigners, mostly Turks. But the
six tattered guardians of the subway station steps are 100 percent German.
Statistically speaking, at least two of them should be Turkish.

But the Turks of Kreuzberg elude the poverty quota. Although they are more
likely than their German neighbors to be unemployed, they do not become
bums. There are no Turks to be found among the groups of drunken men and
women who spend their days hanging around outside Kreuzberg's supermarkets.
In Berlin's poverty zones, it is the Europeans who have a monopoly on
self-neglect, begging and homelessness.

Both Turks and Germans have to struggle with poverty and unemployment. The
Turks, however, have traditional mechanisms to help stop poverty from
becoming squalor. If they were to give them up and adopt certain traditions
of a more typically Kreuzberg nature, the consequence would be social
collapse. It is possible to describe in terms of statistics some of the
factors that make this imported culture more stable than German culture
where poverty is concerned.

First of all, there are the large families. Only 29 percent of German
families in western Berlin have more than one child compared with 46 percent
among immigrants. German parents also separate much more frequently (40
percent of couples) than non-German parents (18 percent). Broadly speaking,
the constitutionally protected tradition of family life is not a
distinguishing feature of German culture in Kreuzberg, but of the oriental
exotic culture.

Because family ties are so weak, Germans are particularly at risk when they
lose their job. Parents or siblings who could help are rare. There are also
other risks, to which Turks are usually immune. Germans often turn to
alcohol for consolation. The downward path of the rootless often leads to
the drinking dens of the train stations. If a Turkish man loses his job, he
will often open a doner kebab stand or a fruit and vegetable shop despite
the low profit margins. Germans, however, often remain apathetically caught
up in the nets of the social welfare system.

Statistically, there are 36 percent more self-employed or family-employed
among Berlin's foreign population than among Germans. Thus, representatives
of local Turkish trade associations have greeted the debate over a defining
German culture (Leitkultur) with mixed feelings. Everyday German reality,
especially in urban problem areas, does not correspond enough to
constitutional values, the values of Christianity and humanity, to which the
accepted definitions of the term lay claim.

Every year on May 1, a raging horde of drunken demonstrators, almost
completely German, turns Kreuzberg into a smoking battlefield. Beforehand,
the Turkish left usually marches in a relatively orderly manner. In recent
years, the trouble has been more muted, but it is hard for the Turkish
shopkeeper who boards up his windows on such occasions to believe that
loyalty to the constitution and love of order are part of a defining German
culture.

As for higher Turkish representatives, the president of Berlin's Turkish
community has reacted vehemently to the idea of a defining German culture
because, in his opinion, it does not stand for tolerance but the
predominance of German.

The failure of the majority culture in problem areas like Kreuzberg also
enhances the status of the "parallel society" of the non-Germans who live
there -- the ethnic network of neighborhood, mutual self-help, social
control and common need that is often described as a ghetto. No one disputes
that such structures only reinforce alienation and a lower social status.

However, in light of the weakness of the assimilating culture -- especially
on the personal and political level -- foreign-born residents often have
little alternative but to cling to the culture they brought with them.
Holding onto the Turkish language not only hinders assimilation into the
majority society, but it also strengthens the safety net.

"You cannot settle down in a void," says Barbara John, a Christian Democrat
and Berlin's official responsible for foreigners. "It is important to
immigrants, especially when they are finding it difficult, to maintain the
tried and trusted elements of their own culture, at least for an interim
period."

The parallel society is therefore both a help and hindrance. Authoritarian
family structures can place unbearable restrictions on individuals,
especially women, and at the same time, they form a barrier against the
effects of poverty. If a family member is out of work, he may find himself
helping out temporarily in an uncle's snack bar, earning just enough to get
by.

Religion, like the family, can also be restrictive and supportive at the
same time. Islam in its fundamentalist form can create a permanent sense of
alienation in the new country. But the Islamic requirement to abstain from
alcohol and narcotics strengthens the ability to survive social
difficulties. Crime statistics suggest that Turkish youths in Berlin commit
hardly any alcohol-related crime.

In all of these points, the way of life of Kreuzberg's Germans has little to
offer. Schools are struggling to cope. Some say it is because the number of
foreign children is too high, but the Germans who live in Kreuzberg hardly
have any children.

The traditionally left-wing German residents of Kreuzberg long ago turned
away from religion. The mosques are full, and the churches empty. In the
confirmation class run by the Catholic church in Wrangel Strasse, foreigners
have long been in the majority. The children are Polish, Croatian,
Vietnamese, even Turkish. Despite the German majority in the district, it is
up to one German girl to represent Christian Central Europe.

Whatever is left of the traditional German way of life in Kreuzberg --
church, religion, family -- has to rely on immigrants for support because
the Germans are no longer interested. For the Turkish community in
Kreuzberg, the choice is not a ghetto or a defining German culture, but a
ghetto or complete social disintegration.



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