Liu continued:

***Francis Fukuyama's The End of History and the Last Man has been
hailed as
an optimistic work, constituting the most important contribution to
substantive philosophy of history since the works of Marx.   But it
seems
clear that Fukuyma is merely the quarterback of the cutural hegemony
team.
The fall of Communism is an undeniable fact, but it is not an undeniable

basis for theory, unless one subscribes to the rationale of trial by
ordeal
and the theory of might is right. Twentieth century Communism failed for

varied and complex reasons, but it is hard to argue that defective moral

compass to be the leading cause.  The fall of global Communism in fact
removes the fog on the mirror of truth that had obscure the ugly face of

market fundamentalism.  Fukuyama in fact echoes Coolidge's famous
pronouncement of economic theory: "When people are out of work,
unemployment will result."

Like Marx, Fukuyama argues that human beings are biologically driven to
establish moral values, and have unique capabilities for reasoning their

way over the long run to spontaneous order. But social order ebbs and
flows
in long cycles as societies adjust to constantly changing technological
and
economic environments.  Yet Fukuyama's list of moral issues is rather
curious.

In his WSJ article: What Divides America (November 15, 2000), Fukuyama
continues with his cultural hegemonic theme:

"But what are Americans sharply divided over?

It's clear that they are not divided over foreign policy, management of
the
economy, crime, welfare or other traditional issues that used to
separate
left and right. Both candidates tried to grab hold of the electorate
through tried and true political appeals that had worked in earlier
elections. But the real issues in American politics have become cultural

ones that can only indirectly be addressed through politics and public
policy."

Fukuyama then proceed to identified the cultural battle as sexual
politics:
"... failed to grasp fully the change that has taken place, which is, as

political scientist James Kurth has explained, the feminization of
American
politics. It is not just that women vote in greater numbers than they
did,
but that they constitute the key vote that has swung toward the
Democrats
in contemporary elections. Foreign policy, strong national defense and
tax
cuts were key parts of the traditional Republican formula that brought
Ronald Reagan to power. But these issues are also pre-eminently male
ones,
and have consistently failed to gain much traction among women. Mr.
Clinton
woke up to the feminization of American politics and the cultural issues

this spawned much sooner than the Republicans, and rode it to two
election
victories. Of the Republican candidates running last spring, Mr. Bush
had
the most appeal among women because of his knowledge of, and concern
for,
social policy issues. He managed, in the end, to do better among married

women than Mr. Gore. How politicians play this issue is very complex,
because women are not a homogeneous voting block and have very different

interests on a variety of issues. But on the whole, this shift spells
trouble for conservatives more than for liberals. The single most
important
social change to have taken place in the United States over the past 40
years concerns sex and the social role of women, and it is from this
single
source that virtually all of the "culture wars" stem. They'd better
start
thinking fast, since the cultural issues are the only ones still capable
of
stimulating voter passion."

Now sexual politics has been around for a long time and it is bizarre to

identify it as the new goal post in the cultural war, while huge numbers
of
people aroung the world are dying daily from hunger, disease,
malnutrition,
war, pollution, and what have you, most of which caused by some wanting
more than others. In the order of moral concerns, sexual politics does
not
rank among the top.

The fundamental aspect of US foreign policy after the Cold War is that
the
US, viewing itself with the equivalence of the all-inclusive Roman
Empire
at the height of its power - an invincible singular global superpower
with
no effective opposition, no longer feels the need for a foreign policy.
This is in keeping with the view of the end of history.  Historically,
China, at various times during the height of its culture, such as during

the Han, Tang and Qing dynasties, also enjoyed such hegemonic advantage
in
the then konw world, and had no need for a foreign ministry or policy.
US
foreign policy has become merely a sub-unit of domestic policy.  Its
neglect by the election has little, if any, to do with it being a male
issue.

The world is at a critical crossroad, and wise leadership in the world's

sole remaining superpower is very important.  Large issues of survival
are
at stake for human civilization, issues of societal vision, of social
justice, of a just peace, of environmental symbiosis, of the balance
between community and individual freedom... the list goes on.  The
powerful
have a special responsibility because they possess the means to solve
these
critical problems for the good of all.  Complacency about the end of
history will only lead us into an abyss of destruction.

As to moralism, the goal of stimulating voter passion is a poor moral
compass, to say the least. Fukuyama appears to be hosting gentile tea
parties for concerned middle class American ladies who would be
psychologically fulfilled going home with party favors of perfume
bottles
filled with empty moralism.

It is nothing but snake oil philosohpy.

Henry C.K. Liu


Louis Proyect
Marxism mailing list: http://www.marxmail.org


--

Mine Aysen Doyran
PhD Student
Department of Political Science
SUNY at Albany
Nelson A. Rockefeller College
135 Western Ave.; Milne 102
Albany, NY 12222



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