[My translation, hopefully reasonable]

e most interesting thing with what follows is that it was not written by a
Marxist. It was written by an official of the Brazilian Ministry for Foreign
Affairs, and was published in the _Jornal do Brasil_, a mainstream newspaper...

Miracles operated by imperialist pressure?

------- Forwarded message follows -------
Organization:           CBPF
To:                     [EMAIL PROTECTED]
From:                   Sergio da Costa Velho <[EMAIL PROTECTED]>
Date sent:              Tue, 24 Apr 2001 15:39:48 -0300
Send reply to:          [EMAIL PROTECTED]
Subject:                [listageografia] ALCA: Monroe X Bolivar; Globalizacao X 
Latinidade; Acordo do Clima

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9. FTAA: Monroe's dream is Bolívar's Nightmare, an article by
Samuel Pinheiro Guimaraes, ambassador and former Director of the Institute for
the Research of International Relations at Itamaraty (the name of the Ministry
of Foreign Affairs in Brazil). Published in "Jornal do Brasil", April 20th:

Negotiations for FTAA involve much more than the constitution of a traditional
area of free trade. Its effects might be much deeper than simply enlarging the
scope of trade of goods and services.

Thus, those estimations that are being proposed on how much would Brazilian
exports grow, and what sectors and firms would benefit with the ellimination of
customs restrictions (either tariff or para-tariff restrictions) in USA and in
the Americas simply skim the surface of this strategic initiative of USA, the
Hyperpower, and leave its main consequences in the shadows.

The main consequency of FTAA will be a radical limitation, and even an
ellimination by international treaty where the greatest power in the world will
take part, of the sovereign capacity of the Brazilian state to articulate,
stimulate, or promote economic development by means of commercial, industrial,
agricultural or employment policies. By "economic development" we mean the
accumulation of capital, the diversification and integration of the productive
stock, the increase of productivity and employment of manpower, a gradual
reduction of disparities -regional disparities included- and of external
vulnerability.

The consequence of this process of negotiated reduction of sovereignty will be,
as it is logic, a reduction in the ability of Brazil to promote and defend its
interests of any kind, those political and strategical included, in the
dynamics of the multipolar world that is emerging with the process of formation
of the European state, the economic and political emergence of China (which is
to be, in the future, the largest GDP of the globe), and, in a second plane, of
Japan, Russia and India. This multipolar world will be, as everything is
showing, a violent one, an arbitrary one, and a world where wealth, power and
knowledge will be concentrated.

Its vast territory, large population, abundant natural resources, level of
industrial development, technological capacities, unity of language, absence of
acute religious or ethnic conflicts, offer Brazil conditions better than enough
-even when compared to the countries above-  to share in that process in an
autonomous way, provided Brazil does not allow itself to be absorbed by the
spheres of influence that are taking shape, under the calm ideologies of pan-
americanism, "free" trade and integration.

The basic aim of FTAA is to generate a set of rules that, by limiting the
ability to establish and execute an economic policy, integrates the Brazilian
economy in an assimetric and subordinate way to the American economic territory
(and to its political system).

It is my point of view that, in the strategic conception of USA, the
relationship of FTAA with the remaining micro, mini, small or medium states in
the Americas is very remote.

After FTAA, Brazil will not be able to exert policies to attract and enforce
foreign investment with the intention of enlarging productive capacities, or of
stimulation and integration of productive linkages, or of effective promotion
and transference of technology, or of strengthening of national capital.

Multinational megacompanies will be able to obtain, in the spirit of the
counterfeited (esdruxulo)proyect of Multilateral Investment Agreement, more
power than the power of national States.
After FTAA, Brazil will not be able any more to exert effective commercial,
industrial and technological policies, aimed at the creation of new dynamic
comparative advantages by stimulating the creation of companies, because it
will not have any possibility to protect those companies from the overwhelming
competition of the megacompanies that already exist in those sectors, because
it will not have any more a tariff or a para-tariff, particularly and most
probably in those sectors of most advanced technology.

After FTAA, Brazil will not be able any more to resort to the
purchasing power of the State in order to strengthen national companies,
in order to develop new technologies, in order to increase the scale of
production or to have companies that can struggle for markets abroad,
anywhere in the world, because they will not be related to the system
of market division practised by the multinationals.

After FTAA, Brazil will become still more defenceless in front of the now
increased power of the owners of technology, and will not have any more the
investments that it needs to fight against the abusive consequences of
the anti-social use of patents, as it was outrageously demonstrated in the
anti-social case of pharmaceutical patents.

For any practical means, after FTAA there will not be Brazil any more, if
by that we are thinking of the possibility and the vision of constructing a
more democratic and fair, more prosperous and less unequal society, in
agreement with the national and cultural traits that Brazilians have been
painfully building along centuries, against open colonial oppression at first
and, now, against the sophisticated neo-colonial control



Néstor Miguel Gorojovsky
[EMAIL PROTECTED]

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