Dear Readers:

In every political system, there are functions which must be performed in order for 
that system to preserve itself and to extend its influence.  It is always difficult to 
specify all of the essential functions, and, fortunately, it is not necessary that we 
do so in most cases.  There is a feedback loop which announces any significant failure 
to perform one or more functions.

The noise about "individual representation" in "Internet Governance" is one such 
feeback loop.    The particular function in which this feedback loop is grounded is 
that of "legitimation," a system maintenance task in which the "system" enlists 
support from the relevant set of political actors, using the rubric that "this 
government is your legitimate government; work with us."

In other words, ICANN should recognize an individual constituency (or otherwise 
increase the perceived power of individuals as such) if and only if it improves system 
maintenance and the popular perception of legitimacy.  Nothing more is necessary; 
nothing less will be effective.

The function of the individuals' representative within ICANN would be roughly 
analogous to that of the tribunes of the plebs in Roman Government:  not in the sense 
of giving them a veto power, but in the sense that because the plebs were able to 
elect tribunes, and because the tribunes were seen as having real power to safeguard 
the interest of the plebs, the common citizens of Rome continued to support government 
in the name of SPQR.

The people's spokesmen within ICANN need to create the same perception.  This is not a 
new recognition:  even the IAHC proposal contained provisions which served no other 
purpose than to create the perception that the governance system was legitimate; and 
the IAHC system crashed and burned for a number of reasons, not the least of which was 
its inability to win over the Internet Community to a belief that the system was, in 
fact, legitimate.

The General Assembly needs to be a whole lot more than PAB in ICANN clothing.  
However, a mechanism needs to be put in place that would prevent the popular element 
from capturing the decisionmaking machinery of ICANN.

Gee golly gosh, do you think we might have another instance of deliver . . . use . . 
.refine at work here?  That is, let's open the door a little bit.  For example, let 
the GA propose a slate of seven people and let the ICANN board coopt three of them.  
If the tribunes are too disruptive to the ICANN board, then let us make sure that 
by-law provisions are in place to permit the ICANN Board to remove the disruptors for 
misconduct (say, maybe this power should apply to more than just GA tribunes); if it 
is not enough to improve popular perceptions of fairness and responsiveness, then 
perhaps the Board will need to coopt a greater number of tribunes.  Or perhaps it's 
time to think outside the lines once again.

For example, because ICANN is incorporated as a California not-for-profit, we tend to 
assume that its management will be committed to a board of directors.  However, German 
corporations have two boards, a board of Managers (which runs the company), and a much 
broader-based board (which sets general goals and priorities for the company).  The 
latter board has traditionally included employee and public representatives.  In our 
case, we might create a broad-based board most of whose members are drawn from or 
approved by the GA, and charge that board with ensuring that the DNS (as a political 
engine) is operated in the public interest.

As usual, please disregard that silly trailer, which I cannot disable while using this 
account.

Kevin J. Connolly



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