A few comments (too many!) on Casali's highly impressive article on
Aeneas' treason to which LHS referred us.    

The idea that Dido attributes 'facta impia' to Aeneas, not herself, seems
to have strong support in Italy - Paratore supports it in his edition and
names other scholars on both sides.  In Britain, there seems to have been
a long-running consensus against this idea. Austin is distinctly scornful
about it and so was Pease in an earlier genertion. The self-blaming woman
seems (suspiciously!) more congenial to us than the woman who is
subversive enough to question the male hero's account of his glorious
past.

I am not wholly convinced by Casali and would prefer an open translation
of IV 596 'Infelix Dido, nunc te facta impia tangunt!  Tum decuit, cum
sceptra dabas' - 'Does it only now strike you, poor Dido, what evil has
been done? You should have thought of that when you were so ready to share
power.' She may be thinking of herself as well as of Aeneas and she may
not be thinking only of hostile stories about Aeneas.  Perhaps even his
own account of himself no longer strikes her as so impressive.

Casali is surely right to say that the Temple scene in Book  I is meant to
remind us that works of art can be interpreted in different ways.  But I
would take view of the parallel between 'facta impia tangunt' of IV 596
and the more famous 'mentem mortalia tangunt' of I 462 rather different
from Casali's. The idea of 'impact on the mind', found in both scenes, is
surely not a matter of knowing that certain things have happened but of
being properly impressed and moved by their happening. Aeneas in Book I
does not so much note that the Tyrians know about Troy but that their
reaction is (he thinks) movingly humane. He likes the ideology which he
finds.  This must be Dido's version of the ideology taught by Juno.  So
Venus remarks (I, 671) that she thinks with utter dread of the turn that
this Juno-style welcome may take.

Juno, I suppose, stands for the Greek system of autonomous cities, held
together by common religion and morality.  The morality would include
faithful marriage and personal restraint.  One of the safety-valves
of the Greek system was the foundation of colonies which would be outside
the influence of the parent city Dido and therefore, if its people are
tolerant, a sanctuary for all refugees of good character, regardless of
racial background.  Dido is a colony-founder and is ready to accept other
refugees 'without discrimination'(574).  This readiness reflects her
personal generosity of spirit.  But there's an element of political
liberalism as well - Junoism at its best.  For her part, Venus has always
wished to replace the system of autonomous cities with a system founded on
the special status of her favoured city, Troy/Rome.

>From IV 321 one suspects that Dido, like some other liberals, can't quite
get the mass of her people to cooperate with her project.  The Tyrians and
Trojans have not got on well.  We know that the Tyrians always had
'ferocia corda' towards foreigners (I 302) - Junoism taking a xenophobic
form among people who are not so enlightened.

It is interesting to ask why Aeneas does not find, in the Temple of Juno,
tableaux which were unambiguously hostile to Troy or to himself - 'the
Trojans cower behind their walls; Aeneas takes a bribe to hand over the
keys'.  It seems dramatically likely that the Greeks, thrown into chaos by
the death of Agamemnon and unable to organise pursuit of Aeneas, would
still spread disinformation.  Sinon's memoirs must have spun a remarkable
yarn.  Perhaps Dido can recognise dodgy propaganda when she sees or hears
it. No doubt she has been on the receiving end herself; Pygmalion would
have had a lot of explaining to do when she made off with the gold
reserves from Tyre and would have spread disinformation of his own.

If 'the impact on the mind' in Book I led to ideological sympathy I
would think that 'the impact on the mind' in Book IV leads to ideological
hostility.  In Book I Aeneas thinks that events are interpreted with
compassion, as he would wish; in Book IV Dido comes to interpret events
with exactly the hostility which he would wish to avoid.  The race of
Laomedon, she has already perceived, is pervasively treacherous (542).
Why is that?  Surely because it is 'Venusian' - it believes that its
special relationship with the gods gives it a special right to power,
beside which all other rights fade away.  If you throw it out of one
place, it will flee to another, not just to found a Greek-style colony but
to renew, from another fortress, its efforts at world power.  She is the
latest victim of this process, which will just go on and on unless her
avenging heir can put a stop to it.

Perhaps she underestimates Aeneas' love for her but she is right to think
herself the victim of a conspiracy, organised in fact by Venus, the
huntress of Book I, who has long marked Dido as her target.  This is a
very deep ideological and religious enmnity. 

Dido, seeing herself in a trap, may well understand that she never had to
accept Aeneas' account of 'the facts of Troy': there were other accounts
of the same facts, as Casali reminds us.  Moreover, Aeneas' account was a
poem and poets are famous for not always telling the truth.  But I think
that Casali would have been truer to his own insight about the different
interpretations of works of art had he made Dido reinterpret Aeneas' poem,
that is see a different meaning in it without challenging its 'facts'.
Dido now perceives the preservation of Troy and its religious icons as a
sinister threat to the whole civilised world. 

I certainly don't want to return to the 'British View' of Dido as
attributing facta impia only to herself.  But I don't think we should lay 
to much emphasis on 'the facts of Troy' so much as on 'the meaning of
Troy'.  I think Dido sees herself as entangled in, contributing to and
destroyed by a plot to perpetuate the evil religion of the Trojans. -
Martin Hughes




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